ISSN: 1522-5658

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Volume 19 (2017)


Religion and Politics [ Supplement 14 ]

Edited by Ronald A. Simkins and Zachary B. Smith, Creighton University


Christian Fundamentalists or Atheists: Who do Progressive Christians Like or Hate More?

George Yancey, University of North Texas
[ Abstract ] [ Article PDF ]

Does Religiosity Explain Cross-National Differences in Crime? The Case of American Versus Malaysian University Students

Anthony W. Hoskin, Idaho State University
Richard D. Hartley, University of Texas at San Antonio
Lee Ellis, University of Malaya
Haley McMurray, Idaho State University
[ Abstract ] [ Article PDF ]

Emotional Motivations of Islamic Activism: Autobiographies and Personal Engagement in Political Action

Aini Maarit Helena Linjakumpu, University of Lapland, Finland
[ Abstract ] [ Article PDF ]

Empowered to Submit: Pentecostal Women in Nairobi

Gregory Deacon, Schenectady, New York
Damaris Parsitau, Egerton University, Kenya
[ Abstract ] [ Article PDF ]

This paper examines the propensity of theological, political, and/or denominational progressive Christians to have affinity or disaffinity towards Christian fundamentalist and atheists. Thermometer questions on the American National Election Studies assess how progressive Christians rank Christian fundamentalists and atheists. Theological and political progressive Christians are shown to have disaffinity toward, or dislike of, fundamentalist Christians and are relatively less likely to have affinity towards, or to like, conservative Christians while they are less likely to have disaffinity towards, or to not like, atheists. Political progressive Christians also tend to have affinity with atheists. Belonging to a progressive Christian denomination did not have any effects on the affinity/disaffinity towards either Christian fundamentalists or atheists. These relationships remain after application of social and demographic controls.
Based on self-report data of college students from Malaysia (N = 1,359) and the United States (N = 1,629), crime rates of the two samples are compared. Criminal behavior is much more common in the American sample despite the country's greater wealth. Negative binomial regression analysis reveals that the lower alcohol consumption and especially the greater religiosity of the Malaysian students help explain their lower crime rate. Theoretical implications, study limitations, and avenues for future research are discussed.
The article examines autobiographies of persons who have belonged to different Islamic groups. The so-called cycle of engagement of an individual person – a "personal protest cycle" – to the Islamic activism is examined through the autobiographies. The main questions will be: how did one become an Islamic activist; how did the actual engagement occur; how did the activism evolve and how did the disengagement from the activism take place? Politics of emotions forms a general framework for understanding political activism and, more generally, protest or oppositional politics.
Neo-Pentecostalism is characterized as offering freedoms and empowerment for women, a limited role in navigating patriarchy, or strengthening patriarchal control. In Nairobi, Kenya, neo-Pentecostalism is concerned with a morality built around an idealized model of the nuclear family in which a wife is subservient to her husband. It might appear that women's ministries empower female members to challenge structures of control, but such challenges are resisted and women are expected only to survive within existing structures. Single-women are expected to live amongst the prejudices of society and dissuaded from any attempt to alter the societal structures that leave them marginalized.