The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents


Travels and Explorations

of the Jesuit Missionaries

in New France







Reuben Gold Thwaites

Secretary of the State historical Society of Wisconsin


Tomasz Mentrak


Vol. LIX.

Lower Canada, Illinois, Ottawas


CLEVELAND:            The Burrows Brothers


Photographic facsimile of page of MS. Huron Grammar by Pierre Potier, S. J., in archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal




Vol. LIX

[Page iii]

The edition consists of sev-

en hundred and fifty sets

all numbered.


The Burrows Brothers Co.

[Page iv]



Reuben Gold Thwaites




|  Finlow Alexander


|  Percy Favor Bicknell


|  William Frederic Giese


|  Crawford Lindsay


|  William Price


|  Hiram Allen Sober



Assistant Editor

Emma Helen Blair



Bibliographical Adviser

Victor Hugo Paltsits



Electronic Transcription

Tomasz Mentrak


[Page v]

Copyright, 1899


The Burrows Company


all rights reserved

The Imperial Press, Cleveland

[Page ]





Preface To Volume LXIX.






Epistola ad R. P. Franciscum Retz, Præpositum Generalem Societatis Jesu, Rome. Mathurin le Petit; [Nouvelle Orleans, June 25, 1738]





Deux lettres à Madame Aulneau. Luc François Nau; Sault St. Louis, October 12, 1739, and October 2, 1740




Epistola ad R. P. Franciscum Retz, Præpositum Generalem Societatis Jesu, Rome. Armand de la Richardie; [Mission de 1’ Assomption des Hurons, June 21, 1741]





Deux lettres à Madame Aulneau. Luc François Nau, Sault St. Louis, October 3, 1741; Nicolas Degonnor, Lorette, April 23, 1742





Lettre, au nom des Abnakis du Canada, au Doyen du Chapitre de Chartres. Joseph Aubery; St. François, [1749]




Catalogus Perfonarum & Officiorum Provincia: Franciæ Societatis Iesu, exeunte anno 1749. Missiones Americæ Septentrionalis in Nova Francia





Memoire sur les Postes du Domaine du Roi. Claude Godefroi Copart; April 5, 1750




Mission de Tadoussac, 1740- 50. Journaux des PP. J. B. Maurice et C. G. Coquart




Lettre au Père * * * . Louis Vivier; aux Illinois, June 8, 1750



Relation du voyage de la Belle rivière fait en 1749, sous les ordres de M. de Céloron. Pierre Jean de Bonnecamps; 2 Québec, October 17, 1750





Lettre au Père ———. Louis Vivier; aux Illinois, November 17, 1750




Extraits du Journal des Jésuites de l’an 1710 à 1755



Mission des Hurons du Detroit, 1733-56. Armand de la Richardie, and Pierre Potier. [First installment of the document.]




Bibliographical Data: Volume LXIX






[Page vii]







Photographic facsimile of page of MS. Huron Grammar by Pierre Potier, S. J., in archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal




Photographic facsimile of handwriting of Pierre François Xavier de Charlevoix, S. J., from MS. in archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal



Facing 70


Photographic facsimile of handwriting of C. M. Mesaiger, S. J., from MS. in archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal


Facing 78


Photographic facsimile of handwriting of Claude Godefroy Coquart, S. J., from MS. in archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal



Facing 104





[Page viii]



Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in this volume:

CCXII. Mathurin le Petit, Jesuit superior of Louisiana, writes (June 25, 1738) to the general of the order, narrating the martyrdom of Antoine Senat, who was burned at the stake by the Chickasaw savages, with other Frenchmen captured by them, The superior briefly outlines the work being done by his order in Illinois and Louisiana; there are four priests in the former district, and two in the latter. Two other missions are carried on among remote Southern tribes; but they have as yet made no conversions, on account of the savage propensity to drunkenness, and “the evil conversation of the english. ”

CCXIII. A letter (dated October 12, 1739) from Nau to Madame Aulneau, mother of the missionary of that name, thanks her for gifts to his mission. He tells her that the Sioux Indians, some of whom murdered her son, have been “so often defeated by the french that they have finally sued for peace.” La Verendrye has discovered a tribe of pale-faced savages. An inexhaustible mine of copper has been discovered at Lake Superior. Nau’s colleague, La Bretonniere, has gone to the South with the Iroquois warriors who are aiding the French to subdue the [Page 11] Chickasaws, Nau is consequently alone in his village, himself in poor health, and overburdened with the duties of his mission; but he expects Lauzon to aid him soon. He ends by congratulating Madame Aulneau upon her formal affiliation with the Jesuit order.

Another letter (October 8, 1740) assures her that he has sufficient for his own needs, but is glad to receive any gifts for his mission. He is still overworked, for both he and Lauzon are in feeble health; and Nau has to attend not only to his Indians, but to “a french parish of four hundred souls, more difficult to manage than The Savages.” The royal ship which came from France this year is ravaged by a contagious disease, which carries off two priests and the bishop of Canada. The war against the Chickasaws has “ended ignominiously for the french;” what little success attends it is gained by the Canadians and the Iroquois.

CCXIV. La Richardie reports to the general of his order the present (June 21, 1741) condition of the Huron mission. After years of fruitless labor, he is at the point of abandoning this barren field, when a sudden change takes place in his people, and within three years they are all converted. They now show unfeigned piety and ardent zeal. La Richardie now feeling the burdens of age and toil, has obtained from his superior a colleague in this mission.

CCXV. Nau writes (October 3, 1741) to Madame Aulneau. He condoles with her upon her recent long illness, and tells her that he also is ill, and confined to his room. The Sault St. Louis mission is steadily increasing in numbers, not only by the addition of [Page 12] numerous Iroquois families, but by the Chickasaw slaves brought from the South by the warriors of the mission. These slaves are not burned at the stake, as when the Iroquois were pagans; but they are adopted by families of the village, instructed in the true faith, and baptized. The care of this mission is very great, and Nau’s new assistant, who has just come from France, cannot aid him much until he has acquired a knowledge of the Iroquois language.

Nicolas de Gonnor also writes (April 23, 1742) to Madame Aulneau, from Lorette. He tells her of the failure of this year’s corn-crop, which threatens his savages with famine, and compels them therefore to disperse into the woods in search of food. The new bishop has come, and makes a favorable impression; but the priests in the various orders are waiting to see how he will deal with them. The writer advises Madame Aulneau not to send to Canada one of her sons, whose health is not robust; and requests her to send him some porret-seed, which can seldom be ripened in Canada.

CCXVI. Aubery writes a letter (late in 1749) in the name of his Abenaki church, requesting the chapter of the cathedral at Chartres to renew the affiliations which they had formed a half-century before, with the Abenaki converts. It is signed not only by himself, but by the five great chiefs of the Abenakis.

CCXVII. This is a list (from the Catalogues of the order) of the Jesuit missionaries employed in New France in 1749. At the college of Quebec are nine Fathers, three instructors not priests, and nine lay brethren. At Montreal are two priests and an assistant. The Detroit residence contains four priests [Page 13] and a brother; the Iroquois (at Sault St. Louis), three priests; the Abenaki, five priests. Coquart is alone among the Montagnais, while La Morinie and Du Jaunay are at Mackinac. At New Orleans are two priests and two brethren, and Le Febvre is the sole laborer among the Choctaws; but in the Illinois mission are five priests and a brother. The entire number of persons in all these missions is fifty-one.

CCXVIII, This is a memoir, privately Written for the intendant of Canada by Father Claude Coquart, minutely describing the so-called *‘ King’s Posts ’ ’ of Eastern Canada, and making various practical observations and suggestions regarding their resources and management. It is, for purposes of economic study, one of the most valuable documents in our series.

Beginning at Malbaie, Coquart praises in high terms the beauty and varied resources of that post. He recommends that a greater extent of land be cleared there; that permission be given to certain persons to manufacture tar; that the local farmer be less restricted in trading with the savages, and given half the proceeds of his hunting. The same encouragement should be given to the farmer at La Comporté near and auxiliary to Malbaie; and more lands should be cleared there also. Cattle form the most profitable produce at these posts; but Coquart observes that animals of all sorts are degenerating there, and recommends the importation of larger and more vigorous breeds, in order to improve the stock. He also advocates an increase in the number of sheep raised. Poultry might be reared; but the girls employed at the farms are already taxed beyond their strength, and cannot take such a [Page 14] responsibility. Coquart gives a list of the produce which may be expected this year from Malbaie. He suggests that the abundant supply of salmon in its waters should be utilized as one of the valuable resources of that post. He praises the man now in charge of Malbaie, Joseph Dufour, as possessed of ability, industry, and honesty; and advises that he be rewarded for his good work by an increase in the salaries of his daughters, who aid him in the care of the farm.

At Tadoussac, the fur trade is mainly a thing of the past; but seal-hunting is, throughout the winter, “ the principal occupation of that post.” This industry is carried on mainly for oil, and many of the pelts of these animals are wasted, or used by the savages for clothing. Coquart thinks that more hunters should be employed there, and advises that orphan boys be sent thither, to be trained for that occupation. The missionary has already induced Cugnet, the royal farmer, to adopt this suggestion; but he can only use such indirect influence, for the agents at the various posts are jealous of the priests, and always obstruct any plans furthered by them. Coquart thinks that the savages at Chicoutimi and at the Jérémie Islets would better be induced to settle at or near Tadoussac. He notes that extraordinary quantities of food are consumed at the latter post, and explains the causes therefor. The forge at Tadoussac should be maintained, for the sake of keeping the Indians’ guns in repair; also, each post should receive its supplies directly from Quebec.

Seal-hunting is also carried on at the Jérémie Islets, which have an extensive trade in peltries. It affords a larger percentage of profit than does any other [Page 15] post. There is among all the post agents a perpetual rivalry and jealousy, which must be taken into account in all plans connected with their business.

Chicoutimi is “ the most valuable post of the whole domain, on account of the quantity of Peltries which it produces.” This yield frequently amounts to 40,000 livres a year. In the country adjacent to this post, the game is almost exterminated; accordingly, but few savages live there. Other outlying posts are mentioned, which depend upon Chicoutimi. Coquart advises that trade be carried on with the savages in those districts directly from that place, so that they shall not carry their furs to Three Rivers, where they become demoralized by association with the French. The writer says: “The savages are worthless, and one cannot place too little confidence in them; the journeys to three rivers have completely spoiled Them; ” and he advises that a trader be sent to secure their peltries every spring, in order to prevent their resorting to Three Rivers. “ The Mistassins are the best people in the world; ” they sometimes come to Chicoutimi with their furs, but more often remain at home, and sell these to a trader who is sent to them. Coquart urges that the trade at a remote place called Ounichtagan should be developed, and a post established there. He explains, as in the case of Tadoussac, the extraordinary consumption of provisions at Chicoutimi; and gives advice as to the erection of a sawmill near that place.

At Seven Islands a fairly profitable hunt for seals is carried on each winter. Peltries of the finest quality are obtained there. The resources of this post ought to be increased by utilizing the excellent salmon-fishery in its waters. [Page 16]

Having given this survey of the various posts, Coquart comments upon the agents in charge of them. He advises that they be retained in their stations, instead of putting in new men; and explains the qualifications of each man. He closes with an interesting statement of the trading tariff for peltries that is in vogue at these posts. The beaver-skin is, of course, the unit of value; this is equivalent to twenty sols of money.

CCXIX. This is an account of the Tadoussac mission, as given in the journals of Maurice and Coquart, respectively, from 1740 to 1750. In the former year, Maurice goes thither, to take the post left vacant by the veteran Laure, He briefly mentions the various trips made by him before winter sets in, which season he spends at Chicoutimi. In the following year, a serious illness compels him to go to Quebec for treatment, which is given him by the Jesuit ‘ ‘ apothecary ’ ’ there, Brother Jean Boispineau. Maurice is unable to resume his missionary labors for a whole year; but, having been finally cured, he returns to Tadoussac in the summer of 1742. He makes preparations for building a chapel at Malbaie; but cannot erect it when the material is ready, on account of “ the negligence of one of the farmers of that place.” In the autumn of 1743, he goes to spend the winter at Sept Isles, and in the following summer begins to have timber cut for a chapel there. That work he does not live to finish, for he is taken ill soon afterward, departing this life March 20, 1746.

His successor is Father Coquart, whose journal continues the account of that mission. In 1747, he erects a church at Tadoussac, for which the materials [Page 17] are furnished by the liberality of the Canadian intendant, Hocquart. In acknowledgment thereof the missionary binds himself and his Successors to say mass for this benefactor, once a year, “ so long as the church shall exist.” In the following Year, Hocquart also gives a sum of money for this church; and his successor, Bigot, does the same in 1749. The building is finally completed in 1750, and is valued at 3,000 livres.

CCXX. Louis Vivier, for some time a missionary in Illinois, writes (June 8, 1750) to a friend, giving some account of that country. Game is still abundant everywhere, except in the vicinity of the settlements. There are five French villages, and three of Indians, in the plain between the Mississippi and Kaskaskia rivers. Vivier estimates the white population at eleven hundred persons, who hold both black and red slaves -three hundred of the former and sixty of the latter. “The three Illinois Villages do not contain more than eight hundred Savages, of all ages.” The French people generally devote themselves to agriculture, and to raising cattle and other animals; accordingly, they live in great comfort; and they send large quantities of flour to New Orleans. Vivier praises the gentleness and intelligence of the Illinois savages; and finds in them “ many qualities that are lacking in civilized peoples. . . . They all live in great peace, which is due, in a great measure, to the fact that each one is allowed to do what he pleases. . . As a rule, the Illinois are very lazy, and greatly addicted to brandy; this is the cause of the insignificant results that we obtain among them.” The Jesuits now have a mission in but one of the three [Page 18] Indian villages, and “ the harvest does not correspond to our labors.” This is due to the bad example of the French, the influence of brandy, and the lawless disposition of the savages.

CCXXI. This is a report (dated October 17, 1750) by Jean de Bonnécamps, professor of hydrography in the Jesuit college at Quebec, upon his voyage with Céloron down the Beautiful (Ohio) River. It is in the form of a journal recording the progress and events of each day’s journey.

The expedition leaves Lachine, near Montreal, on June 15, 1749, and with much toil and danger ascends the great river. On the third day, a canoe is wrecked, one of its crew perishing before his comrades’ eyes.

On the 25th of June, the travelers arrive at La Présentation, the mission recently founded by Abbé Picquet; and, two days later, at Cataracoui (now Kingston). The fort at Niagara, which they reach on July 6, is being undermined by the strong current of the river; and Bonnécamps recommends that the fort be removed to a site above the falls. The great cataract of Niagara he measures as 133 (French) feet in height. Proceeding through Lake Ontario, and entering Lake Erie, the French make their way, via Chautauqua portage, to the Alleghany River, which they enter on July 30. The natives are alarmed at the news of their march, and betake themselves to flight; but Céloron sends an officer with presents and messages of peace, and partly reassures them. As the French proceed down the river, they encounter scattered villages of Mohican savages, — groups of wretched cabins here and there in the mountains which border the river, forming “the somber and [Page 19] dismal valley, which serves as the bed of the Ohio.” At various places on the route, Céloron buries at the mouths of rivers leaden plates whereon are engraved inscriptions which, in accordance with French custom, claim that region for his government. Near the present Pittsburg, the French encounter some English traders, whom they order to quit the country. Bonnécamps describes with care several trees peculiar to that region, as also the rattlesnake. On August 8, the party reach Chiningué (or Logstown), an important Iroquois village below Pittsburg. The savages there arc angry and suspicious; but Céloron’s boldness and watchfulness repress any hostile attempt on their part. After holding a council with them, and ordering the English traders there to depart, he resumes his voyage, — which continues with but little incident to the mouth of the Great Kanawha River. In the vicinity of that stream, the Frenchmen first encounter the buffalo, although only in small herds. Bonnécamps says that he had been told in Canada that these animals would be found along their march by hundreds; and he thus comments thereon: “This is not the first time when I have experienced that hyperbole and exaggeration were figures familiar to the Canadians.” Advancing to the Scioto River, Céloron sends Joncaire and another officer as envoys to the Shawnee village there: but the savages greet them with bullets, seize them as prisoners, and would put them to death save for the mediation of a friendly Iroquois. At Scioto, Céloron erects a fort, holds a council with the savages, and orders away more English traders. Departing thence, the Frenchmen proceed to the mouth of the Great Miami; [Page 20] ascending this river, they reach (September 13) the Miami village on Loramie Creek. This place is under the sway of a chief to whom the French have given the curious sobriquet of La Demoiselle. He refuses to accede to Céloron’s demand that he remove his village to a place near the French. After a week spent here, Céloron — having burned his battered canoes and other impedimenta — travels by land (a five days’ journey) to the Maumee River, where a French post has stood for many years. Here he procures boats and provisions, and, on the 27th, sets out for Detroit. While at the fort, Bonnécamps learns, to his great chagrin, that he had, without knowing it, passed near some salt-springs where had been found the skeletons of immense animals.

On October 6, the expedition reaches Detroit; Bonnécamps praises the beauty and fertility of that region, “the Touraine and Beauce of Canada,” and regards Detroit as a post of the utmost importance; he advises that more attention be paid to its colonization. Leaving Detroit on October 9, they reach Niagara in ten days, Cataracoui on November 4, and Montreal on the tenth of that month. Halting, en route, at La Présentation, Picquet’s fort there is found to have been partly destroyed by fire during his absence. Bonnécamps concludes by offering to the governor his chart of the regions which he has explored, and explaining the difficulties under which he made his observations.

CCXXII. Vivier writes (November 17, 1750) to a friend an account of the Illinois tribes and their country, similar to that given in Doc. CXIX, but containing more information about the missions of Illinois. That among those savages numbers over six hundred [Page 21] persons, nearly all of whom are baptized; but the brandy sold or given to them “has ruined this mission, and has caused the majority of them to abandon our holy Religion; . . . The greatest good that we an do among them consists in the baptism of dying children.” Vivier and Guyenne reside at Gahokia, Watrin at Kaskaskia, Meurin at Peoria, and Baudouin and Morand at New Orleans. The outlying Southern missions have been abandoned, owing to the disturbances among those tribes, and between them and their white neighbors. The influence of the English traders has wrought much harm. “ The English are ever ready to preach controversy. Would a poor Savage be in a position to make a choice? ”

Vivier describes the Mississippi River, and the difficulties attending its navigation, “There is only one Pilot who is accustomed to the place and knows it thoroughly.” The name Mississippi (“great river”) has been “usurped from the Missouri,” which, before its junction with the other, is the larger, more rapid, and clearer of the two. The French habitants are settled on both sides of the river for the space of fifteen leagues below New Orleans. The population of that city does not exceed 1,200 persons. Vivier describes the climate and agriculture of that region. Notwithstanding the varied products of their farms, “the forests are at present the chief and surest source of revenue for many habitans,” and several sawmills have been erected. As there is no stone in this region, bricks are manufactured there and used for building. Flour, pork beef, and other products are obtained from the upper valley of the great river. The [Page 22] commerce of New Orleans is increasing; most of it is carried on with the islands of the West Indies. Vivier suggests that the tobacco of Louisiana be used in France, thus benefiting both countries. The French settlements along the river are enumerated; the only French post above Natchez is at the Arkansas, but there should be one at the mouth of the Ohio, to control that river.

Vivier proceeds to describe the Illinois country, That fertile soil would, with better culture, yield a far greater harvest; but the French settlers have cropped it recklessly, and take no pains to renew its fertility. Maize, however, “grows marvelously; it yields more than a thousandfold. . . . The country produces three times as much food as can be consumed in it.” Wild game is abundant, and cattle-raising is a staple industry among the habitants. The mineral resources of the country are enormous, but lack of capital and other facilities prevents their development. Salt and lead are produced, and exported to all the French settlements outside of Canada.

All the great Northwest is governed by the Illinois commandant; Vivier sighs over the vast field thus offered to the missionaries’ zeal, which is barred to his own order, because it is placed in charge of the Missions Étrangères — who, however, make no attempt to occupy it, save to minister to the French parishes on the Mississippi. Vivier hears that the Pawnee tribes on the Missouri are well disposed toward the Christian faith. Their new chief has established a marvelous innovation, by making regular and definite provision for the widows and orphans of the tribe. This man has visited the [Page 23] French in Illinois, and Vivier greatly admires him. He invites the Jesuit to visit his people, in order “to give them sense,” — that is, to instruct them. Vivier closes by emphasizing the importance to France of the Illinois colony, and urging that the French government enlarge and strengthen its military establishment therein, which commands the great river and Louisiana.

CCXXIII. This document comprises all that is still extant, so far as is now known, from the lost volumes of the Journal des Jésuites. It contains but a few scattered extracts from the records for the period extending from 1710 to 1755. In the former year occurs the reduction of Port Royal by the English. In 1719 the card currency of Canada is replaced by French money. The present fortifications of Quebec are begun in 1720, on the plans made by the engineer De Léry; and in that year Charlevoix arrives in Canada, “to collect informations for the discovery of the mer d’occidt [Western Sea].” A destructive fire occurs in Quebec in 1721. In 1725, a ship is wrecked near Cape Breton Island, and all on board, 250 in number, are lost. The governor of Canada, the marquis de Vaudreuil, dies. A year later, the intendant Begon returns to France, “much regretted by the whole colony.” In 1750, various disputes arise in regard to ecclesiastical affairs, and the Jesuits incur the ill will of the Bishop for having taken the part of a priest who has fallen under episcopal displeasure.

CCXXIV. This interesting document is the account-book of the Jesuit mission farm near Detroit, conducted by La Richardie and Potier for the Hurons settled there. The opening entry is a copy of the [Page 24] contract made (July 16, 1733) by the former with one Jean Cecile, who agrees to work a forge for the mission during six years. The account-book proper begins “on the feast of St. John, 1740.” One of the opening entries records the hiring of an engagé for the coming year, at a salary of “160 livres in peltries, a shirt, and a pair of mitasses [leggings].” Various transactions are recorded for which payment is to be made “in peltries, at Detroit prices.” The mission farm also includes a trading post, conducted by a lay brother in the mission. Among the commodities are flour, wheat, corn, wine, brandy, tobacco, powder and shot, blankets, shirts, porcelain beads, kettles, and vermilion.

La Richardie lends the Huron elders “four great branches of porcelain beads, half black, half white.” Many entries record payments by habitants for masses, to be said by the priests. (The Paris livre, worth about twenty-five cents of our money, was the usual money of account; but the actual currency was most often the “ castor,” or beaver-skin, worth at that time four livres a pound.)

In July, 1743, is recorded a contract made with J. B. Goyau, of Detroit, by which the latter agrees to take charge of the mission farm for a term of six years. In the following year a church and house are erected thereon for the Fathers. Father Pierre Potier comes (1745) to Detroit to aid La Richardie, and during the absence of the latter has charge of the mission; it is in Potier’s handwriting that nearly all of the “book of accounts” is written. La Richardie, leaving the mission for a time (July, 1746), gives instructions regarding the erection of a new church edifice, and for various improvements in [Page 25] the barn and other buildings; also for the management of the mission farm, and for terms to be made with the farm tenant. Lists of small transactions, both debit and credit, for the year 1747 are given.

Not quite half of the document is herewith presented; the remainder will appear in our Vol. LXX.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., June, 1900. [Page 26]


Letters of 1738-42

CCXIL — Epistala Patris Mathurin le Petit ad R. P. Franciscum Retz, Præpositum Generalem Societatis Jesu, Romzæ. [Nouvelle Orleans, 25

juin, 1738]

CCXIII. — Deux lettres du Père Luc François Nau a Madame Aulneau. Au Sault St. Louis, 12e. 8bre., 1739; 2e, 8bre., 1740

CCXIV . — Epistola Patris Armand de la Richardie ad R. P. Franciscum Retz, Præzpositum Generalem Societatis Jesu, Romæ. [Mission. de l’Assomption des Hurons, 21 juin, 1741]

CCXV. — Deux lettres 2 Madame Aulneau. Luc François Nau, au Sault St, Louis, 3e 8bre., 1741; Nicolas Degonnor, a Lorette, le 23 avril, 1742


Sources: We obtain all of these documents from apographs in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal. We follow, in the main, Father Jones’s translation of Docs. CCXIII. and CCXV.

Letter of Father Mathurin le Petit to the

Reverend Father Franciscus Retz, General

of the Society of Jesus, at Rome.


ftermany rumors, we have at last been informed that Father Antoine Senat has been rewarded for his generous charity by the glorious crown of martyrdom, on the very day (Palm sunday in the year 1736) when he was captured by the savage enemies of our nation, commonly called Tchikakas[1], At early morn he had fallen into their hands; toward evening he perished in the flames. He might easily have saved his life as soon as he saw our frenchmen, whose Missionary he was, captured by the enemy or taking to flight; but he preferred to brave the fury of the savages rather than leave without spiritual aid the souls of the captives so dear to his Zeal. The opportunity to assist them, for which he had Hoped, was not wanting. Together with 23 or 24 frenchmen, he was immediately led to a prominent hill in the center of the village, where the savages, infuriated by the loss in battle of many of their companions, attacked them with reproaches, insults, and clubs, and ignominiously stripped them of their clothing. Yet they were left to themselves, so to speak, until a double pile of wood was being raised, not far away, and in plain view, for the purpose of burning them.

There is no reason to doubt that Father Antoine [Page 29] Senat, having found opportunity to exhort his fellow captives, by word and by example, to suffer impending death like Christians, prepared them for it by acts of contrition for their sins, and by absolution. At least, it is certain that each and all, piously kneeling together with their Missionary, chanted long and loudly many prayers — which the savages, from whom we learned the fact, called a song to go above. They repeated the same pious hymns while they were being led to the two piles, or were carried thither — as was the case with those who were unable to walk, owing to their wounds; nor did they interrupt their singing amid the fire until they fell, half burned or suffocated by the flames. This sight won the admiration of the savages, so that those whom they had, on the very same day, scornfully called “ women ” they often proclaimed to be men and heroes. . . .

The most Christian king pays an annual pension for 12 priests.[2] . . .

In the Illinois country, at least four hundred leagues distant from here, live 4 priests. Two of them attend two parishes of the French people; and the two others, two missions of natives, many of whom are Christians.

Here in new Orleans — the chief, or rather the only city of this vast region — we count two priests, living with two lay brothers. My companion is the missionary to the Hospital and to the soldiers; and, at the same time, confessor to the nuns of St. Ursula. I instruct in Christian morals the slaves of our residence (who are negroes), and as many others as I can from other quarters. I direct the sodality of workingmen, which I established not long ago [Page 31] hear confessions in our chapel, and preach during advent and Lent in the principal church, as often as I am invited to do so by the Reverend Capuchin Fathers, who minister to the neighboring parishes of the french people.

We have two other Missions among the Savages, about 150 leagues from here, and distant from each other, in which none are as yet Christians. What greatly hinders their conversion — besides their character, which is averse to Christian severity — is their propensity to drunkenness. Another obstacle is the evil conversation of the english, who from the province of Carolina, although quite distant from them, often travel to their country, and remain there a Long time for the purpose of carrying on trade. . .

The Bishop of Quebec has appointed me his Vicar- general for our Missionaries and their missions, . .

Mathurin Le Petit, S.J.

[Endorsed: “Letter from Father Le Petit to the very Reverend Father General. New Orleans, june 25, 1738.”]. [Page 33]

Two letters from Father Luc François Nau to

Madame Aulneau.


ademoiselle, my dearest mother and sister in Jesus Christ,

I received the long and gracious letter which you did me the honor and pleasure to write this year, and with it the box of beads and other objects of devotion which your charity prompted you to send; but they reached their destination only after I had written and despatched my letters to france. Father De la Bretonniere was the cause of this delay. He had gone down to Quebec to purchase supplies for our mission, and from among the things sent from france he picked out all that was addressed to me, himself bringing it to me, to make sure of its safe delivery; but he came back to Sault St. Louis only after the departure of the ships. He might at least have sent me my letters in advance, to give me an opportunity of answering them. His excess of precaution was no gain for me, and I bear him a little grudge, since it must have caused you some anxiety. Do not mind now, my dear mother; God in his goodness, who knows my needs, ordained that I should not be deprived of the fruit of your charity.

You desire me to make a candid statement of my wants, so as to supply them as best you can. I did not need this new proof of your kindness of heart to be assured that I have found in you an affectionate, [Page 35] sympathizing, beneficent, generous, — in a word, the best of mothers. I see also that you are convinced that I harbor for you in return all the sentiments of esteem, gratitude, respect, friendship, and affection which a son whose heart is in the right place should entertain for such a mother. I have told you this over and over again, and I think that it is not necessary to repeat this. As for my personal wants, I assure you that I am abundantly provided with everything a man in my vocation could desire. If the good God did not send me other crosses, I might well fear that the comforts of life would prove detrimental to my salvation. Consequently, I ask nothing for myself, as I am in need of nothing. But it is not so with my poor Savages, who stand in need of everything. I shall not be backward in begging for them, and charity in their behalf is never ill-advised. The beads and devotional articles that you have thus far sent have brought joy to the hearts of my poor Iroquois. Whenever I distribute them, I make the recipients promise to pray for the one who in her charity helps them, and they never fail to do so. So you see, my dear mother, what an advantage it is for you to send them beads. My only recommendation, with regard to these beads, is that they be of six decades, and that the wire chain they are strung on be stronger. They have learned here how to make scapulars, so that hereafter you need not send so many; but you might increase in proportion the number of beads and little crucifixes.

You have given me to understand that you would like to know what is being done here in canada. I shall endeavor to satisfy you in a few words, for the messenger who is to convey my letter to Quebec is [Page 37] hurrying me, and it is the last chance I shall have this year. The Sioux, who so ruthlessly murdered our beloved and amiable J. P. [Aulneau], have since then been so often defeated by the french that they have finally sued for peace. This has been concluded with them, as it is feared that we shall soon have war with our neighbors, the English. Monsieur de la Verandrie has discovered a numerous nation of pale-faced Savages, 30 leagues from fort St. Charles, Had it not been for the death of our dear martyr, these savages, whom he is said to have met with during his expeditions, would already have received the light of the Gospel, for they are very gentle and amenable to reason. An inexhaustible mine of copper has been discovered on the shores of lake Superior, 700 leagues from here; but the profits will never be very great, owing to the immense expense of transporting the copper. The iron mines between Quebec and Montreal, which have been worked for a few years past, are more profitable, and begin to give good returns. This last spring we sent out an army against the chicachias, who 3 years ago burned to death the Jesuit Father Sennat. Father de la bretonniere accompanied the 300 Iroquois from our village who take part in the war. Since then I have been alone in this mission, burdened with an inconceivable amount of work. Moreover, during a part of the summer I was suffering from gout, while there were a great many sick persons to visit in the village. Not being able to walk, I was carried on a stretcher when I had to administer the Sacraments. I have not altogether recovered yet. Should the same amount of work continue for any great length of time, I could not hold out [Page 39] About the feast of All saints I shall have assistance. Reverend Father Delauzon, who is no longer Superior of the Mission, will come to resume his old position of missionary at sault St. Louis.

Father Bonin has written to me, giving me full particulars of the tribulations of our Fathers at Luçon. It is a privilege of the society to be persecuted; but I think this is only a passing squall, which will soon expend itself when the new Bishop, who is not yet acquainted with the Jesuits, begins to know us. I congratulate you with all my heart, and I rejoice also for the Society in the fact that our Reverend Father General has sent you letters of affiliation. It is an additional reason for me to remain with all the consideration, affection, devotedness, and friendship possible,

Mademoiselle, My dearest Mother and Sister in Jesus Christ,

Your very humble

and obedient servant,

NAU, of the society of Jesus.

Sault St. Louis,

October 12, 1739.


ydearest mother and sister in Jesus Christ,

I address you thus since you do not wish me to call you “Mademoiselle,” so there is an end of it. I shall not make use of that term again, seeing especially that it did not express sufficiently the feelings of my heart for you, or those which I am persuaded you entertain for me. Still, my dear mother, I think I detect in various expressions of your letter a lurking doubt as to my affection and sincere attachment, and I confess it causes me much pain. [Page 41] Might it not have been The terms of respect I made use of in My former Letters that gave Rise to this doubt? But remember, my dear mother, that a son’s affection and love for his mother should not crowd out of his heart The respect he owes her. Might it not also be that I have never asked you for anything for myself? It would seem that this is one of the main reasons of your suspicion, and I freely acknowledge that your suspicion would be well grounded, if I were in need of anything. Once for all I protest that I do not stand in need of anything in my mission. Were the case otherwise, I am sufficiently within reach of Quebec and montreal, where we have houses, to have anything I want sent to me. It is true that our dear departed one, whose place you would have me fill, would have acted differently; but he was far differently situated. He was in a region where every human succor was wanting, while I am stationed in the midst of french settlements, where I can procure all The comforts of life. My own father who is still living, thank God, and my brother, who loves me with all his heart, have this very year repeated The same offers as yourself — and you can easily understand, my dear mother, that if I were in any real straits I would not refuse their services, so think no more that I am wanting confidence toward you, or am undutiful in any other way. Could you but look into my heart, you would be satisfied with the sentiments which animate it for The best and most condescending of mothers. I think you must be satisfied at least with The Freedom and frankness with which I beg for my savages. I refuse nothing that is given for them, for their needs are not imaginary, and there is no charity better directed than that [Page 43] which helps to keep piety and devotion alive in the hearts of these new Christians. It was with heartfelt gratitude that I received what you were kind enough to send Them this year; and when I distributed The beads and other articles of devotion, they all promised to pray God for you. You should set great value, my dear mother, on these prayers, for I dare assure you that they are agreeable to God. The greater part of our Savage men and women are remarkable for Their innocence, and I know of many who serve God as faithfully as He is served in The best regulated religious communities. Continue, then, I beseech you, so useful a charity. Being affiliated to a society that makes special profession of the apostolic life, you have a share, by your charities, in the works and merits of Their apostolate. What you sent out for our Church is very appropriate and pretty, and I thank you with all my heart. However, the pallæ are much too small for our chalice. I am deeply sensible of the kind civilities of sister Aulneau, and I beg you to present Her my compliments, and convey to her the expression of my gratitude. She who belongs to a community where they turn out such admirable work could make something Pretty for our Church; so I take The Liberty of asking Her for a veil for The Blessed Sacrament on holy Thursday; we have nothing sufficiently presentable for that august ceremony. Will that please you, my dear mother? Could any son treat more confidently with a mother whom he loves and by whom he is loved? But you ask me moreover to speak to you of my mission and of my health, and I shall do so.

I counted much on Father Delauzon, an [Page 45] accomplished missionary, to relieve me considerably, but he has been sick since All saints, the time of his return to The mission, and so I am practically all alone in the village. Our mission, which was not as large formerly as it is to-day, kept five able-bodied missionaries busy. Judge then of the amount of work we two invalids, Father Delauzon and myself, have to perform. And yet I have, over and above, to attend to a french parish of four hundred souls, more difficult to manage than The Savages; and often to go on calls two or three Leagues away, over horrible roads, in all kinds of weather. The strain has weakened me considerably, and the gout never relents, even for a Day. I had a terrible attack of it this last summer, and for the time being there was no mass celebrated in The village, for Father Delauzon was also sick Abed. I would be so glad if Father Charles Aulneau would come out to Canada. I could manage to have him remain with me, where he could be of more service than among the newly-discovered tribes, who are not at all friendly to us.

The King’s vessel which came over to canada this year lost a great number of her crew and passengers through some contagious disease. A Jesuit Father and a Sulpitian were taken off; but The most serious loss was that of our Bishop, who fell a victim to the disease in The short space of two days.[3] The Letters and ship’s cargo were scattered and pillaged. Providentially your letters and box reached me by a merchantman.

The war on the chicachias ended ignominiously for the french, who with The finest army ever seen in this country, and well provided with mortars and cannon, did not dare attack a rabble of savages; The [Page 47] Canadians alone and The Iroquois of our mission engaged The enemy, slew a number and took some prisoners, but were not in sufficient force to rout Him completely. Father Delabretonnière, who followed our savages on the expedition, went back to france by way of The mississipi. I think he will not return to canada. Farewell, My dear and kind mother, never forget before Our Lord a son who is and who will ever remain through life your Most affectionate and dutiful son.

My Dearest Mother,

Your Most humble and

obedient servant.

NAU, of The society of Jesus.

Sault St. Louis,

October 2, 1740.

[Page 49]

Letter of Father Armand de la Richardie to

Reverend Father Franciscus Retz, General

of the Society of Jesus, at Rome.


henI arrived here I found not a single savage professing the Christian faith, although some of the older ones, while suffering from sickness, had formerly been washed in the sacred waters by the first missionaries. About forty years ago, shaking the dust from their feet, they had abandoned that nation, which was uncircumcised in heart. One of the chiefs of the nation, Hooisens by name, after delaying a long time, professed the Christian faith, and set such an example to all his relatives that not even a single one of his kindred resisted the Holy ghost. A short time afterward, he was taken from among the living; and only the slightest hope remained of bringing this throng of savages to the most sweet service of Christ. Wherefore, not realizing the depth of God’s wisdom, I had nearly prepared for my departure, — thinking that when once this chief, who had been the untiring protector of the Christian interests, was dead, dead also was the hope of promoting God’s glory. While my mind wavered thus, uncertain and spent with weariness, the goodness of our Savior appeared in this, that the savages of both sexes and of all ages, after several fruitless suggestions and attempts, flocked joyfully to the exposition of the Christian doctrine, and to the public discourses delivered in the thoroughfares. Furthered by His grace, God’s [Page 51] work made such progress that barely three years had elapsed from the death of that praiseworthy chief when not even one person in the whole nation remained obdurate.

Regarding the present, Most Reverend Father, all is, I hope, placed in safety. That savage nation seems to profess the faith with unfeigned heart. The sacred house hardly contains the multitude of Christians, although it is seventy brasses long. Thrice a day they assemble to pray and listen, and even four times on feast-days, when barely a brief moment is left to take food; this is due to their burning ardor in approaching the sacred tribunal. The day’s labor consists in visiting the sick, in settling disputes, in correcting those who are delinquent, in giving sermons, in instructing the children, and in administering the sacraments. Reverend Father St. pé, the superior of the mission, taking pity on me, who am nearly sixty, has provided me with a companion who may devote himself entirely to the work in this vineyard of the Lord. Being now old and having but little health, I greatly lament to find myself unfit to learn the tongues of the savages who live in my neighborhood, and who have not yet been cleansed in the sacred font.

Armand de la Richardie, S.J., missionary.

[Endorsed: “Letter of Father Armand de la Richardie from the Mission of l’Assomption among the Hurons, june 21, 1741, to the Very Reverend Father General.”]

[Endorsed: “After having been 2 years among the Hurons (at Quebec?), Father Duparc sent him among the Hurons, of whose sad condition regarding religion he was aware.[4] Fruitless labors, during many years. [Page 53]

Two letters to Madame Aulneau.

Sault St. Louis, October 3, 1741.


ademoiselle, My Dearest Mother and sister in Jesus Christ,

I was delighted with The Letter you did me The honor to write this year; but I was also much pained to learn that you had been suffering from so long a sickness. Our good God had until Then been sending you crosses burdensome and very difficult to carry, and although you made A Pious use of them all he did not find you sufficiently chastened or worthy of Him. He now smites you in your own person like another Job; blessed be his holy name! I am firmly convinced that The way you bore this personal affliction will have drawn down upon you new graces, increased your merits in Our Lord’s sight, and greatly enriched The crown he has prepared for you in heaven. From an earthly point of view I can but grieve at the impairing of your health; but looking upon it in a supernatural light, I bless Our good God for the new trials in the midst of which he places you, and this, on account of the profit you draw from them for your perfection. My dear Mother, do not take it to heart if you have not been able to send me anything this year. What is postponed is not lost. The poor savages may be inconvenienced a little for a year, but you will still have all the merit of Your good intentions. When I ask you for charity for my Iroquois, it is always [Page 55] with the understanding that it can easily be done and without inconveniencing yourself; for if I thought that it would put you out in The least degree, I should be The first to beseech you not to send Them anything.

A dutiful son ought to keep nothing that concerns Himself from a fond mother whom he holds dear and by whom he is loved. I shall tell you therefore that as This winter has been the Longest and the most rigorous in canada in the memory of man, I have naturally been more troubled by The gout than in preceding years. I am still confined to my room, —  in fact, I am not able to move a foot. Just imagine my perplexity being practically alone in The mission, for Father Delauzon is at Quebec, and The third missionary,[5] who has been here only four days, not understanding a word of Iroquois, can do nothing for The Savages. Painful as my infirmity is, I am beginning to get used to it, but throughout The winter I have been troubled by another kind of sickness, which, although not painful, gives me greater cause for apprehension than the gout. I suffer from vertigo; it has caused me to make more than one perilous leap, and may end by my breaking my neck. They have tried many remedies on me, which have done me some good but have not effected a perfect cure. At times I am seized with a sudden uncontrollable fear, which prevents my being left alone anywhere. Pray God, My dearest mother, that he ‘may deliver me from this evil, or at least that I become not quite useless to my savages.

The chicachias continue to burn all the french who fall into their hands. The English, who are settled among them, incite them to this barbarous practice, and often take part in tormenting The french more [Page 57] cruelly. Our savages are always at war with the chicachias, and from time to time they bring in a large number of slaves; but instead of retaliating by burning them at the stake, they adopt them in the village, instruct them in our mysteries, and by Holy baptism place Them in The way of reaching heaven. By this means our mission increases greatly every year, as well as by outside families coming from a distance who willingly settle down among us. The continual instructions, The care of the sick, settling The quarrels of the savages, and all the other affairs of the village, which must needs be seen to by the missionaries, keep us so busy that it is sometimes far into The night before our breviary is said or our other prayers attended to. The flemish Jesuit, whom Father saint Pé had the kindness to send us, will be able only after a year to be of some service. By that time he will have acquired some knowledge of The Language. To accomplish all the work to be done would require a more robust constitution than mine. Ask our Lord to give me the strength I need, and be assured of The esteem, affection, and filial respect with Which I have the honor to remain,

My dearest Mother,

Your most humble and most

obedient servant and son,

F. NAU, of the Society of Jesus.

LORETTE, april 23, 1742.


 have read over and over again, my very dear sister in Jesus Christ, the kind and edifying letter that you did me the honor to write. No one could be more sensible of all the marks of friendship You [Page 59] bestow than I am, and be assured that I am really grateful, and that I shall never forget all the kindness you have lavished on me. Please continue to pray for me and my poor savages. This year I have been in utter desolation at seeing them suffer from hunger, without being able to come to their relief, — not precisely for want of money, but on account of the scarcity of wheat which failed to realize the bright anticipations of the early summer. And what now afflicts me still more is, that we are threatened throughout the land with a famine more dreadful than that of last year. Before the Grain began to ripen, worms attacked nearly every ear, and devoured most of it, or rather they ate away the kernel and left only the shell. My savages, nevertheless, will gather a little more indian corn than last year, but their lands are so poor that the Harvest supplies their wants for only half the year, at most. The evil is diminished by half when there is french wheat, and I am able to buy it at wholesale and deal it out to them in small quantities, allowing them to pay me when they can, which they do quite faithfully when they are able to earn a little. But when I am not able to help them in this way, they are obliged to scatter right and left to find food, which is prejudicial in no slight degree to their spiritual interests. For, as you know, sanctity is rarely acquired by traveling about. I must needs give my consent to it rather than see them perish with hunger.

I deeply sympathize with our Fathers at Luçon; when you chance to meet them, remember me kindly to them, and to Reverend Father Lafite more particularly. I was all the more surprised at what you told me about him, because when I was in fiance, Monseigneur [Page 61]


[Page 63]



[Endorsed: “To Mademoiselle, Mademoiselle Aulneau, at Montiers, on the Lay, near Luçon, in lower Poitou. Recommended to the Reverend Father procurator of the College at La Rochelle.”] [Page 65]


Documents of 1740’ 50

CCXVL — Lettre du P. Joseph Aubery, au nom des Abnakis du Canada, au Doyen du Chapitre de Chartres. [Late in 1749]

CCXVII. — Catalogus Perfonarum & Officiorum Provinciæ Franciæ Societatis Iesu, exeunte anno 1749. Missiones Americæ Septentrionalis in Nova Francia

CCXVIIL — Mémoire par le P. Claude Godefroi Coquart, sur les Postes du Domaine du Roi. N. p., 5 avril, 1750

CCXIX. — Mission de Tadoussac, 1740-50. Journaux des PP. J. B. Maurice et C. G. Coquart

CCXX. — Lettre du Père Vivier, Missionnaire aux Illinois, au Père * * * . Aux Illinois, 8 Juin, 1750

CCXXI. — Relation du voyage de la Belle rivière fait en 1749, sous lesordres de M. de Céloron, par le P. Bonnécamps. À Quebec, 17 Oct., 1750

CCXXII. — Lettre du Père Vivier, de la Compagnie de Jésus, à un Père de la même Compagnie. Aux Illinois, le 17 Novembre, 1750


Sources: Doc. CCXVI, we copy from Merlet’s Histoire des relations des Hurons et des Abnaquis du Canada avec Notre-Dame de Chartres (Chartres, 1858). Doc. CCXVII. we obtain from an apograph in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal. Doc. CCXVIII. follows the original MS. at Ottawa. Doc. CCXIX. is copied from Rapport sur les missions du Diocèse de Québec, March, 1864, pp. 46-52. Docs. CCXX. and CCXXII. we reprint from Lettres édifiantes, t. vii,, pp. 60-64, 65-82. In publishing Doc. CCXXI. we follow apographs in the Massachusetts Historical Society’s library and in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal. [Page 67]

Photographic facsimile of handwriting of Pierre François Xavier de Charlevoix, S. J., from MS. in archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal


Facing Page 70
Letter from Father Joseph Aubery, in the name

of the Abnakis of Canada, to the Dean

of the Chapter of Chartres.



It is some sixty years since your illustrious company consented to contract a union of adoption by which it regarded the Abnakis nation of Canada as its brethren, — although the Chiefs of this nation, not daring to exalt themselves so high, contented themselves and were infinitely honored and benefited in being the children of that illustrious Company. You sent them at that time a silver chemise as a relic. To respond to that honor and kindness, this nation, some years afterward, having nothing more precious than that which is called “porcelain,” which is their silver and gold here, formed a collar thereof; it contained about eleven rows of beads, and was also about six feet long, and ornamented to the best of their ability with porcupine-quills. It was enclosed in a box of bark worked as delicately as this material can be worked; and, before sending it to your illustrious company, the late Reverend Father Vincent Bigot, then superior of the mission, exposed it in the church for eight or nine days, — in order that, through the prayers which the Savages offered, the Blessed Virgin might be pleased with the union which they designed to renew, and to establish forever, with the chapter of Chartres. The present was sent, and you had the [Page 69] goodness to respond thereto magnificently by an image of the Blessed Virgin in silver, exactly like the one which you preserve in your subterranean church. It is now 49 years since then, and in the spring will be so, according to the date of the letter of Monsieur d’ormeville, then canon at Chartres, appointed by the chapter to write to the said Reverend Father Vincent Bigot. I was with him in the mission, and that was the year when I said my first mass, — which I newly celebrated yesterday for the second time, after 50 years of priesthood and of mission work.[8]

It is this union that our Chiefs, in the name of the whole mission, wish now to renew. It is true that your presents, exposed in the church, recall to them the memory of it continually; but they wish to freshen it, and consider it as if it were made anew. They ask me to inform you of this; if they had anything precious, they would send it as their letter; as to porcelain, you already have one, and it would be of no use. They beg you, therefore, to have the goodness to regard this letter as a very sincere and authentic mark of the sentiments of their hearts, that you, Monsieur, and all the Gentlemen of your Company may consent to continue to regard them and to aid them as your spiritual children; and, in fact, I attribute it partly to your prayers that all this nation of the mission where I am has made considerable progress in the spirit of Christianity. May it be the most faithful and the most attached to the service of God and to that of the King.

I pray you, therefore, monsieur, as being at the head of the chapter of your illustrious Company, to receive this communication, to present it to your [Page 71] Gentlemen, and to listen favorably to the prayer of this nation at St. François des Abnakis, and that of their missionary, — who, although unknown, has the honor to remain, with profound respect, in union with your Holy Sacrifices and those of your Gentlemen,


Your very humble and

very obedient servant,

Joseph Aubery, of the society of Jesus.

Missionary to the Abnakis at

St. François.

The chiefs:

Michel Terrouërmant.

Jérôme Atecouando.

Nicolas Ouaouënouroué.

Pierre Thomas Pepiouërtnet.

The chanter:

Joseph Louis Magwiouiganbaouit[9] [Page 73]

Catalogue of the Persons and Offices in the

Society of Jesus, for the Province of France,

at the end of the year 1749: Missions

of North America in New France.



everendFather Gabriel Maroel, Rector of the college and superior-general of the Missions since October, 1748; of the province of Champagne.

Father Claude Joseph Marie Canot, minister, professor of scholastic theology, prefect of the sodality of the pupils, and confessor in the church; of Lyons.

Father Antoine Gourdan; of Lyons.

Father Marie Louis le Franc.[10]

Father Michel Guignas, prefect of the church, of the schools, and of the citizens’ and higher students’ sodalities, and confessor in the church; of Aquitaine.

Father Nicolas de Gonnor, procurator, and confessor in the church; of Aquitaine.

Father Pierre de la Chasse, spiritual adviser.

Father Pierre Jean de Bonnécamp, professor of Hydrography.[11]

Father [Simeon] Bançais, novice of the 1st year; admitted August 29, 1749.


Master Jean Baptiste de Neuville.

Master Réné Macé. [Page 75]

Pierre Régis Billiard, theologian of the 1st year.


Alexandre Macquet, tailor.

Antoine Lourse, sacristan and tailor.

Charles Boispineau, apothecary; of Aquitaine.

Georges Denet, shoemaker.

Jacques Ferchaud, cook.

Jean Baptiste Delvacq, buyer.

Nicolas le Clerc, procurator’s assistant.

Pierre le Tellier, teaches reading and writing.

Étienne Marin Racine.


Reverend Father Jean Baptiste de St. Pé, superior: of Aquitaine.

Father François le Sueur, missionary.[12]

Charles Philippe Dohen, in charge of all the departments.


Father Armand de la Richardiere; of Aquitaine.

Father Jean Baptiste François de Salleneuve.

Father Pierre Daniel Richer.

Father Pierre Potier;[13] Is France-Belgian.

Pierre Gournay.


Father Jean Baptiste Tournois; France-Belgian.

Father Pierre René Floquet.

Father Quintin de la Bretonniere.


Father Charles Germain; France-Belgian.

Father Guillaume Ignace Cohade; of Toulouse. [Page 77]

Father Joseph Aubery.

Father Simon Gounon.[14]

Father Étienne Lauverjat.


Father Godefroi Coquart.


Father Jean Baptiste de la Morinie; of Aquitaine.

Father Pierre du Jaunay.[15]


Reverend Father Michel Baudouin, Superior-general; of Aquitaine.

Father Guillaume François Morand; of Lyons.

Jean François Parisel, Apothecary.

Simon Maillard, in charge of all the departments.


Reverend Father Alexandre Xavier de Guyenne, superior.

Father Joseph Julien Fourré

Father Louis Vivier.

Father Philippe Watrin; of Champagne.

Father Sebastien Meurin; of Champagne.[16]

Charles Magendie; of Aquitaine.


Father Nicolas le Febvre; France-Belgian.

Priests, 34; Lay Professors, 2; Scholastic, 1; Brethren, 14. Persons in the Society, 51.

[Page 79]

Photographic facsimile of handwriting of C. M. Mesaiger, S. J., from MS. in archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal

Facing Page 78
Memoir by Father Claude Godefroi Coquart upon

the Posts of the King’s Domain.



aMalbaye should be regarded as The most valuable farm of the country, on account of the quality of the soil, the facilities for raising Cattle there, and other advantages which I shall mention Hereafter.

The land there is good and abundant. They might have cleared more of it than they have done; but, as they desired only wheat enough to feed the farmer and his engagés, they have left uncleared or in woods the finest region in the world. Those people have not even made this farm as valuable as they might have done, because they have always preferred to show that it was worth more than it yielded, and that their acquisition of [Illegible in MS.] was only to prevent the savages of the domain from coming there to trade. The lands might be increased by obliging the farmer to clear every year a certain number of arpents, and to take his firewood from the good land; and the season that might be assigned to him for this work would be that which comes between the time for sowing seed and that for cutting the hay. The man who to-day occupies the farm is intelligent, and well qualified to undertake this enlargement. He has at heart its success; by making it a point of honor with him, and enabling [Page 81] him to hope for some gratuity proportioned to the work that would be done, one would soon see this farm extended, and consequently bringing in s greater revenue, and that without expense. For the strongest of his engagés gets 50 Écus. There are six of them, but they are paid in merchandise which is sent to him, and which he gives them upon the basis of the invoice that he receives. Suppose that he has 1,500 engagés; I am not afraid to assert that he gives them 1,200 livres’ worth from the warehouse. Thus no money, or but little, has to be paid out. Hitherto the merchandise has been priced too high, and has yielded no returns; as a result, there has been difficulty in securing men. The merchants must try to send articles of good quality, and set a reasonable price. [Illegible in MS.] under the name of “beaufort” is not good for making shirts; Canvas at 54 deniers is too dear at this time. Furthermore, some persons are asking permission to come to make Tar upon the lands of la Malbaye, offering to give as rent the 15th Barrel, and to sell to the farmer what they shall make at the rate of 20 livres a barrel. If this Enterprise were continued every year, as they seem to desire to do, the advantage would be considerable, since they would thus so soon exhaust the Pine forest; and, as the workmen would need food, it could be sold to them from the farm without inconvenience. Orders upon this point are expected from Monsieur The Intendant, which will prevent that being done at la Malbaye which was done some years Ago at baye St. Paul for Tar. Some soldiers were sent there, and a sergeant to keep them in order. They worked during 5 months, and were given their food and a small gratuity after their labor. A like number of good [Page 84] workmen occupied at la malbaye during the same time would produce 250 Barrels of Tar a year; and, this being at the gates of the farm, they could come to sleep every night in the buildings. This profit is sure, without any expenses; and to those who ask to come to make Tar there could be assigned another pine forest, two leagues up the River.

If it be desired to concede lands along the River of la Malbaye, there are many people who would take them; but it would be necessary to insert in the contract a prohibition against trading, — not only with the savages of the domain, but also with all other savages under the most severe penalties. This concession would soon join La Malbaye with les Eboulemens and Baye st. Paul, through the finest country in the world.[17]

Monsieur Cugnet[18] has prohibited his farmer at la Malbaye from trading with any savage; this prohibition caused a great quantity of Martens to be lost last year, and, since then, 400 Livres of Beavers, which were taken to Baye st. Paul by the Algonquin savages. I believe that it is necessary to continue this prohibition with reference to the savages of the domain, but to give orders to the farmer not only to receive but to attract the savages who live outside of it, and to barter food and Merchandise with them, as permission therefor was given last autumn at my solicitation. The same savages are still in the country, and appeared this winter at baye st. Paul. Those who are accused of trading with them are the men named Jasmin and Jacques Perron; and the Peltries which the savages take to baye st. Paul are produced upon the lands of the domain.

There might also be accorded to the farmers of la Malbaye and of la Comporté: half the proceeds of their [Page 85] hunting; They hunt at the doors of their dwellings, and that causes them to lose no time. It was formerly forbidden to them on account of the difficulties arising between those who at that time occupied the two farms, difficulties which no longer exist. This permission, which may be made valuable to them, will encourage them to perform their duties faithfully.

The advantages that will be found in clearing the lands of la Comporté[19] are too important not to demand attention. I have already suggested that 8 men during five months, at 20 or 25 livres a month, would do a great deal of work. The farm at la Malbaye will support them; it has this year about 400 minots of wheat, — that is to say, a surplus of almost half the quantity that it needs. As it will be necessary to burn the forest, the first two years will not show any profit. But when that shall have been done, we shall see, in the 2nd or 3rd year, an abundant produce; and animals will be brought to consume it, in case the farm of la malbaye cannot furnish enough animals of its own Breeding.

As formerly it happened that the farmers of la Malbaye and of la Comporté were always quarreling, both having equal authority in their respective farms, it was proposed to make the farmer of la Malbaye sole master of the two farms. He furnishes the one at la Comporté what he needs, and receives from his Hands the commodities and cattle, noting the place whence they come. Since that time, all is at peace; so I believe that it is well to continue this superiority of the farmer of la Malbaye, who alone will answer for what shall be sent him for the two farms, and for what they shall produce. Consequently, it will be the said farmer of la Malbaye to whom will be entrusted the enterprise that is being [Page 87] planned for the lands of la Comporté —directing him to select its most fertile Cantons, and to constitute the farmer of la Comporté master of the Work when he himself cannot be there; forbidding him from using, during the hay or harvest time, the men employed to clear The lands of la Comporté, — unless the hay or grain be exposed to loss for lack of people and work. To occupy them elsewhere during these two seasons would retard the work too much.

The Cattle are beyond a doubt the principal object in these two farms; and, the more of them shall be Raised, the more considerable will be the profit. It is a question, then, of seeking prairies and pasture- lands to feed them, which will not be difficult, if the farmers will give themselves the trouble. But there is one thing to be observed, which is, that the various Kinds of animals are degenerating; for Example, one does not see at la Malbaye so fine oxen as at Beaupré and on the South Shore. Could there not be sent cows and bulls of the large Varieties which, multiplying little by little, would furnish the farms with fine animals? 2nd, The pigs are extremely small, and the fattest of them hardly weigh 180 Livres. There are some enormous ones at the little River; one could have some of that breed without great expense; It costs no more to feed them, and there would be more pork, Proper orders given to the farmer would remedy that, and the profit would be considerable. Instead of seven or 8 Barrels of pork, which 20 pigs now furnish, they would have twelve or fourteen; and they would not be obliged to buy pork to furnish to the other posts. The farmer could be obliged to Raise more Sheep than he is raising. He will, perhaps, plead that fodder might be lacking; but, 1st, He always has a [Page 89] large surplus of it remaining in the spring; 2nd, There will always be time enough, at the second voyage of the ship, to send to Quebec such animals as he will foresee cannot pass the winter; 3rd, If this last point received attention, a great number of sheep would leave la Malbaye every year, instead of the 20 that are generally Sent. The sheep do not cause expense, and it is astonishing that there is not at la Malbaye a flock of 2 or 300. There are hardly 50 there during the winter.

I say nothing of the poultry; this is a small matter. Encouragement for Raising them can always be given; but the girls, who are occupied in Raising the calves and lambs, can hardly give their attention to the rest; besides, the housekeeping is considerable. They have to churn the milk two or three times a week; to do them justice, it can be said that they are busy all day, even going beyond their strength. The two farms every year give from 30 to 40 pairs of chickens, sometimes fewer; that is all that can be Expected from them.

In general, the following is what la Malbaye can produce this year; provisions for The farms; 4 or 6 oxen, 25 sheep, 2 or 3 cows, 1,200 Livres of pork, 14 to 1500 Livres of butter, one barrel of lard. If the men there did not have to work at la Comporté the farm would produce 4 or 500 Livres of pork more than the above, and more than 100 minots of wheat. As for the sheep, it ought to be ordered that only the Males be sold, and that all the ewes be kept; the following year an increase would be perceived.

There is one last item which is not to be overlooked; it is the salmon-fishing. Usually the farmers get from it their supply, and nothing more; but if they were furnished with Nets, It would be easy for [Page 91] them to salt a great quantity, especially in the years when that fishery yields most abundantly. This would not be an increase of work, since the fishing is done in The River, and upon the shores of the bay.

If the farm of la Malbaye is not to-day upon the footing on which it ought to be, the cause must be attributed to the frequent change of farmers, — either because they were not such as were desirable for the post, or for other reasons; What is certain is, that those who occupied the farm before the man who now occupies it let everything go to ruin. The thistles were choking the wheat, the Cattle were not kept in by the fences; all those who saw la Malbaye in those times can certify to the truth of this.

They would also say that they have never seen la Malbaye upon so good a footing as it now is. One sees there neither thistles nor black wheat, all the fences are in Place, and Joseph Dufour has a special talent for making everything profitable. If he can be Induced to continue his services, it will be a benefit to his employer. Last year, however, He wished to leave; Here are his Reasons: Nearly all his wages are used in The Support of his family. He has three grown daughters who help him in carrying on the establishment, and a boy for the stables. If he had not these girls, he would be obliged to hire servants, to whom he would have to give wages. His eldest girl is at the head of the farm; for the Housekeeping she gets only 50 livres a year. He asks that the wages of this girl be increased to the amount of 100 livres, and that 20 Écus be given to the second; with this He will be more comfortable, and he prays Monsieur the Intendant to give Attention to his request. Moreover, He has 8 sheep on the farm which are his own; up to the present, Monsieur Cugnet [Page 93] has always taken their wool, and he has paid for what was absolutely necessary for the use of his family; and he asks that they consent to grant him the half of the fleeces of his sheep. The wool is a small matter; as to the wages he asks for his two daughters, I believe he would be satisfied — at least, he ought to be — if 80 livres were given to the elder, and 50 to the younger. He deserves something for his care and attention, and one can say in his praise that la Malbaye has never been in so good a condition as it is now.

Total wages of the farms, 2,060.



hepost of Tadoussac does not produce many Peltries; 3 or 4 packages of Beavers, 100 or 120 Martens, some thirty lynxes, some Foxes in ordinary years, a few livres of Beaver Pouches,[20] — these are the things usually furnished every year. The principal occupation of that post is hunting the seal, which is carried on from the month of december to the end of March. This hunting is precarious; yet, since françois Dorée has been agent at Tadoussac, the least he has made every year is from 80 to 90 Casks of oil. It would be more abundant if there were more hunters, for it rarely fails when the savages give themselves up to it with enthusiasm; but this good will depends somewhat upon the manner in which they are managed by the agents. The one who at present governs them does with them whatever he wishes, and one would risk a little too much in changing him. The seals killed for 90 Casks of oil would naturally produce from 900 to 1,000 sealskins; yet hardly 5 to 600 are obtained, because the savages keep many of them to make shoes and to clothe their children, without counting [Page 95] the skins lost by their lack of care, It would be easy to increase the number of hunters in this post, where there are a number of very capable young men. The agent of Chekoutimi might be ordered to send the orphan boys to Tadoussac. These children live with their relatives, or with others, and are quite poorly cared for; instead of such a life, they would, if they were at Tadoussac, aid in managing the canoes of those young men who are capable of hunting; these latter, if they are not provided with steersmen, either are themselves obliged to act in that capacity, or they go in pairs to hunt, which diminishes the number of canoes. Besides, the last epidemic has greatly afflicted the posts of Tadoussac and the Jérémie islets; and these orphans, who have to be drudges on the land, either at Chekoutimi, or on the Jérémie islets, would little by little repeople the port of Tadoussac; and the hunting there would be more profitable, since next year There would be, instead of twelve Canoes which hunt to-day, 17 or 18, and perhaps more. This plan was proposed last autumn to Monsieur Cugnet, who in accordance therewith gave his orders to the agent at Chekoutimi. It would be well to renew those orders to him, and to induce him to use all his efforts to bring people to Tadoussac. He could do so without injuring his post; but it will be necessary to conquer a certain Envy and jealousy, up to the present almost insurmountable, among the agents. The Missionary might influence some of them, but he will always find the agents in his way; they cannot bear to have him enter in any way into the arrangements that may be made — which appeared plainly last autumn, when Monsieur Cugnet told the Agent of Chekoutimi to send some Young men to [Page 97] Tadoussac. “ I will do what I can,” he replied, “ provided that the Father does not meddle in it. ‘* It would be, however, very proper that he should sometimes meddle, for the Reason that I have just given, — namely, that the agents being jealous of one another, and seeing only with annoyance the success of others, are not much inclined to give up, in the favor of others, young men who are of no use to themselves, but who would be useful to others. In a word, when one considers that the seal is much more abundant at Tadoussac than at the Jérémie islets, and that it is rare to see the chase fail there, while they hardly make 30 or 40 Casks of oil at the Jérémie Islets, I think it will be decided to take the savages away from the islets and from Chekoutimi, in order to place Tadoussac upon a sure footing. There are savages who would not ask anything better, but they are afraid of the agent at their post; and it will never be except by virtue of suitable orders that these savages can be had at Tadoussac, against the opposition made by the Agents. I will even add that the savages of whom I speak accomplish very little about Chekoutimi, and that they have trouble in paying their debts; whereas in coming to Tadoussac they would be better off and would furnish some profit.

A great amount of food is consumed at the post of Tadoussac. This ought not to cause surprise when one remembers: 1st, that the savages are there in the course of the year. They go into the woods in the autumn, to seek something with which to clothe themselves; and, in the spring, to indemnify themselves for the bad food upon which they have lived during the winter, and to capture a few martens on the way. and, during The summer, they are [Page 99] occupied in making their Canoes for hunting. A great many of these are needed; they make them at the Post or in the environs, and when they lack food they come there to get it. 3rd, The whole winter is occupied in hunting; there is not a day when they do not go to the places where game may be found. It is, therefore, by means of the warehouse that they live, — that is to say, they are furnished provisions, their expenditures therefor being noted down. They get flour, peas, and indian corn, sometimes a piece of bacon; for, to season their soup, both french and savages use hardly anything else than seal-oil. 4th, The Post of Tadoussac is The approach to all the other posts. People stop there in going and coming, and sometimes, when one counts upon ten persons to be supplied with food, there are twenty. 5th When the ship arrives, it is the savages who are employed to unload the provisions and merchandise, or to load oil and other goods; They do not get for this work any other recompense than their living. Besides, the captains are obliged to employ the savages, especially at the place where the ships winter, for the anchorage there is very poor, and too much diligence cannot be used to despatch the ship, for fear of a gust of wind. This is what causes so great an amount of food to be consumed at the Post of Tadoussac, and people will cease to be surprised at it when they shall have considered all these reasons.

I have been told that there was a desire to abandon the forge at Tadoussac, and that it was intended to send from Quebec axes, tools for chopping, and other utensils suitable for trading, while they would send to Quebec the guns which would need to be repaired, etc., etc. Half of the project might be carried into effect, that is to say, with regard to the products of [Page 101] the forge; the post of Tadoussac might be so well furnished with them that it could supply them to the other posts, according to their needs; but, as for weapons, I consider the thing almost Impossible. The interests of the Posts will suffer from it, and the savages will leave those places.

1st, the savage who has only one gun would be obliged, when its lock is out of order, to give it to the agent to send it to Quebec; and he will either wait with folded arms until it is returned, or it will be necessary to lend him another, or else rent him one. That would require in every post almost a double supply of guns, which would be an increase in expenses. 2nd, If the savage is obliged to pay the rent of the gun that will be loaned him until his own is sent back from Quebec, he will incur a double expense — the mending of his own gun, and the rent of the gun loaned; he will not be satisfied with this. Besides, either they will wait for the ship, to send the guns, — and that will be a great delay, — or these will be Sent in Canoes. That would then multiply the voyages to Quebec, which are not made without expense, and which will occupy Engagés who are absolutely needed in the posts during the summer, especially in those of Chekoutimi and the Jérémie Islets. On the other hand, by keeping the gunsmith at Tadoussac, the savages can Send their guns thither; and their going, coming, and remaining there will only make a journey of 3 days. In each man’s account is noted the cost of the work that has been done, and he pays for it with the rest; and what the savages pay either for the stock of the gun, or for the mending, greatly exceeds the Wages that are given to the two gunsmiths, — one of whom [Page 103] receives 400 livres, and the other 20 livres, — as can be seen by the account of the forge which the agent at Tadoussac sends to Quebec every spring. He would ask nothing better than to be freed from these incumbrances; but I think that The Interests of the posts would suffer therefrom.

It is also said that there is a plan to establish a general warehouse at Tadoussac, and that the agent at that post will be charged with furnishing the other posts according to their demands, keeping an exact account of what he shall send them. This project seems to me to be liable to many Inconveniences. Jealous of each other as the agents are, they will not look at the Tadoussac agent except with eyes of envy; and I predict that there will never be peace among them. They will not consider that it is an increase of work for him; they will only think, “ We depend upon the Tadoussac Agent for our needs.” 2nd, let the Agent of Tadoussac do well or not, The Letters of the other agents will always be filled with complaints. 3rd, it may happen that the Tadoussac Agent will not have, at the time, either the quantity or the quality of goods that will be demanded of Him; then the blame will be laid upon him for any deficiency in what will be made at the other posts; whereas, continuing upon the same footing on which affairs now are, each agent will have nothing to say. In the spring he sends his memorandum; it is filled out, and they send him what he asks by the 1st voyage of the ship, He sends a second memorandum by the ship, and, on the second voyage, the articles are supplied. In that way, He has nothing to say; and he can only blame himself if He has failed to get anything, because he is obliged to come twice, — [Page 105] 1st, to take away the oil; 2nd, for the Peltries. The agents will receive what they need, as usual; and the one at Tadoussac will not have the annoyance of having the other agents saddled upon him. I only make this suggestion because I have already Heard unfavorable comments; and, if they begin to complain at a mere plan, what will it be when it shall be necessary to execute it? They now regard themselves, and Rightly, as Equals; They do not even like to communicate their memoranda to others than to those in whose hands these must be placed, because they do not wish any one to know what they are asking, or how frequent are the returns which they make; these are mysteries that they keep from one another. But, if the agent of Tadoussac had all the merchandise in his hands, and if he were the distributor of it, he would be regarded (with Envy) as their superior; and this
Photographic facsimile of handwriting of Claude Godefroy Coquart, S. J., from MS. in archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal

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pretended superiority would be for him the source of a thousand vexations, which might be Spared him. Besides, the Tadoussac agent is not capable of such important details; he would give a good account of things in his way, but people would perhaps not be satisfied with it. But another might be put there, some one will say. I do not think this ought to be done at present, unless they wish to see the post of Tadoussac irretrievably lost. The savages are so attached to him that they do not conceal their sentiments upon this Point; and, besides, he is performing his duties well.



hePost of the Jérémie Islets, situated 30 leagues below Tadoussac, produces Seal-oil and Peltries. They hunt the Seal from the first ice until toward [Page 107] Twelfth-day, and resume this pursuit from about the 15th of march, sometimes sooner, until the ice disappears. It is done at point des Betsiamioutes, two leagues from the post. The time between the 15th of january and the 15th of March the savages spend in the woods, hunting; thus this post has Varied resources. The usual yearly production is 35 to 40 Casks of oil. I do not know, however, what it will be this winter, for since many people were lost through sickness last year, It may easily happen that this year there will not be a great production of oil. However that may be, not much time is needed to attend to this post. The agent can detain for the sea some of those who have continued to hunt in the woods, unless his experience shows him that the forest hunting is more profitable than that of the sea.

He receives not only the Peltries from the savages domiciled at the Post, but also those of the savages from the interior, who bring them to him at his post. This indeed is the quarrel that has always been carried on between the agents of Chekoutimi and of the islets; the former reproaches the latter with Taking away his savages, but, in reality, each attaches to himself the savages of Manawan and Ounichtagan. They have the dispute, but those who have the posts have only the gain, since both agents work for the same master: the noble Emulation, however, between the two posts, the desire to show good returns, keeps up this petty war. They steal each other’s savages; they invent a thousand little ruses to attract them. There is no great harm in all this. Moreover, at the beginning of June the agent of the Islets departs for Manikwagan, and goes up the River to a certain place, where he meets the savages who inhabit these [Page 109] lands; he trades with them, and Brings back their Peltries. Thus the post of the islets may well produce 4 to 500 Beaver-skins, sometimes 800 and more handsome martens, well-dressed skins of the Caribou, and sealskins. When the Foxes are found along the sea, they are not the least resource.

Besides, this post causes no expense. It has no passages to pay for, except that of a canoe in the spring, which is sent from Sept isles to Quebec; and the agent gives nothing for Nothing. Also Monsieur Cugnet, therefore, said of this Post of ‘the islets that it caused him the least expense, and brought Him in proportion the greatest profit.



hePost of chekoutimi is 30 leagues from Tadoussac, on the upper Saguenai; two leagues higher than this post, the saguenai is no longer navigable, except for canoes. This post is the most valuable of the whole domain, on account of the quantity of Peltries which it produces 3,000 Livres, and often more, of Beaver-skins, and about 2,000 martens in ordinary years; last year, there were more than 3,000 of the latter, besides skins of bears, Lynxes, and otters. In a word, according to The information of the agent himself, his post has, several times during his residence there, produced more than 40,000 livres’ worth of Peltries. Consequently, it pays expenses at a smaller profit than is made in the other posts. On the post of Chekoutimi depend Lake St. John, the Mistassins, and Chomoukchwan.

1st. The savages come but little to the Post, except in the months of May, june, and july. There are only a few families who can be regarded as domiciled [Page 111] at the post, and who do not go far away; the others go to a great distance. This is a very good thing, for. the environs of Chekoutimi are so Drained of animals that they would Risk dying of hunger, If these lands were abandoned for some time, the Beaver would multiply, and animals would become more abundant; but that would be asking The Impossible from the savages. They would travel ten leagues to kill a beaver a year old, summer or winter, if they could find it. It is not, then, from these settled savages that much profit is expected; however, They are not entirely useless. They make canoes for the inland trade; and we have them always at hand for the voyages that we are obliged to make. Among these savages there are some who would willingly go to Tadoussac, and it is of them that I have spoken in referring to the last post, saying that they would be better off, and that they would furnish more profit.

2nd. The People of Lake St. John are the sad remnants of an astonishing multitude of savages who inhabited the lands 60 or 70 years Ago. There only remain one large family, who work fairly well for the Interests of the post. They bring their Peltries at the time when the ships arrive; and, after having tasted the brandy, they return to the lake, to live there during the summer upon Fish.

3rd. Chomoukchwan was formerly dependent upon Lake St. John. The savages took their Peltries thither, or some one went after them, as is being done to-day. For some years the winter was passed there; but it has been seen to be a quite useless expense, and that it is sufficient to go there at the melting of the ice. This post is situated back of three [Page 113] Rivers. It would be a question of preventing the savages from going there; and, instead of 8 or 900 Martens that are generally obtained at that place, there would be many more. They are attracted thither by The brandy that they get in trade, and that is given them to take into the interior. That is a road which we have not hitherto been able to close.

The Agent of Chekoutimi sends thither a trader, whom he furnishes with merchandise, also two frenchmen and some savages of his post. At the end of july, all these men have returned. The savages are worthless, and one cannot place too little confidence in them; the journeys to three rivers have completely spoiled Them, and it would be a desirable achievement and a great profit for the post of Chekoutimi if they could be retained at home, and if the people of three Rivers could be prevented from sending savages or frenchmen into the woods with liquor to trade with them. Desgroseilliers pursued this plan during the space of many years — and successfully, whatever Monsieur Cugnet may say of it. The question now is, to find a man who can make the voyage every year in the capacity of a trader, either wintering at Chekoutimi, or repairing thither early in the spring; and I think that he will always be there in time, if he will leave Quebec at the end of april.

4th. The Mistassins are the best people in the world. They winter about zoo leagues from chekoutimi, toward hudson’s bay, where some of them go to trade. Some bring their Peltries to the Post themselves, and a trader is sent to their country to receive those of the others and supply their needs. During the last three years, it is an Engagé of Tadoussac who makes the voyage; it is as fatiguing [Page 115] as that to Choumoukchwan, but it does not take so much time. As to that of chouomoukchwan, there are nothing but Rapids to ascend; on the other side, There are portages.[21] It is from the Mistassins that the handsome marten-skins come, — not so fine, indeed, as those of The River Moisy, but in greater numbers. As the Agent of chekoutimi keeps an exact Account of what he Receives from every post, and gives a receipt for it to the traders, receiving one from them for the merchandise that he delivers to them, it will be easy to see what each separate district furnishes, and the profit that it returns.

5th. There remains one Place to which the agent began to Send goods last year, and whither I think they ought to be Sent this year also. It is Ounichtagan. If this enterprise can be made to succeed, it will be a great advantage; many savages from the interior will be attracted to that place. The Mistassins themselves will repair thither willingly, according to what I have heard; and thus the Frenchmen will afterward be relieved from making the voyage to the Mistassins, because Ounichtagan will be, so to speak, a Common rendezvous, to which all the savages of these regions will flock. The Agent of the islets may, perhaps, inveigh against this Establishment, saying that his savages will be taken away. What does it matter? We shall be sure to obtain their Peltries, and will not be exposed to deception; for there are some who take their Peltries to the islets, where they go to trade, and come straightway to chekoutimi to get goods on credit, — which is plain knavery on their part. This could be obviated by Establishing a post, and perhaps, afterward, by maintaining it in the winter, At Ounichtagan. [Page 117]

It is also found that the consumption of food is great at Chekoutimi. The savages whose lands are in the Environs of the post come to the Warehouse when They fast in the woods, for I have already said that animals are rare there. 2nd, The many savages who Assemble for the trade in May, June, and july consume an extraordinary amount. I have with my own eyes seen them eat as much as ten quarts[22] a day, and yet they were very moderately portioned. As the merchandise fails in the spring, on account of the goods that have to be Forwarded to the Mistassins and for chomoukchwan, It has happened often that these savages remain ten or twelve days at the Post to await the ship, and with it the merchandise of which they have need. Meanwhile, they have to be fed, and it happens then that every one suffers. Both frenchmen and savages fast on account of the Delay of the ship, which ought to be at chekoutimi in the first days of June, at the latest; then the consumption would be less, because in two or three days every one would be sent away. 3rd, When all these savages return into the interior, they are furnished with food, which is placed upon their account; and, if each family were only given the half of a quart, this would go far, but They carry away more. Thus it is plain, by what I have just said, that this consumption of food is inevitable. 2nd, in order to diminish it, It is necessary to have the ship depart early in the spring, in order that the savages may remain less time at the post. A feast is generally made for them at the arrival of the ship, and, rather than to go without this feast, they would remain at the Post until the end of july; but when it is given, and it is given as soon as possible, each is seen to [Page 119] take his share, and plunge into the woods until the following spring.

I do not speak Here of the Construction of the sawmill in The River Pepawetiche, at half a League this side of chekoutimi; I will merely say that only two saws and two mountings are necessary to keep the mill in constant operation. Those whom I have Questioned upon this point, and who are well informed, have assured me that two saws kept going day and night will produce 140 or 150 planks every 24 hours. They also said that no advantage is to be derived from increasing the number of saws, and that they were returning to the other, — one mounting for each saw, and a saw in reserve. If the sawyers relieved each other by the quarter, The mill would continue going from the 15th or 20th of april until the 15th of November, — that is to say, more than six months. The planks could be carried in a raft to the Creek three leagues below the mill; all the ships can go there without danger, and The warehouse would be at Tadoussac.


Thereare two wintering-places for hunting the seal at sept isles, — Pointe a la Croix, and the seven islands themselves. The success of this hunting depends upon the ice; when it is not in great quantity, and when the winds are not too violent, the yield is much larger. Last year, there were only from 30 to 35 casks of oil, but it was a poor year; there is generally more. The Peltries are not so numerous as at chekoutimi, but they are of better quality. They have obtained as many as 800 fine Martens, some Beavers, and a great many [Page 121] Caribou-hides. The River Moisy, 5 leagues below sept isles, by which most of the savages come from the interior, has given its, name to these beautiful and so highly Valued Martens. The post of Sept isles has seldom failed to be profitable, while Dufresne has managed it; but He is hardly in a condition to continue his winter enterprises; the voyages that he has to make into the interior at the end of june have ruined him , — yet upon this voyage depends the success of the trade. The man who is at the Post to-day is his Pupil; perhaps he will succeed as did his master.

Mingan is injuring Sept isles; this post is 30 leagues from them, and the Limits of the domain are at Rivière aux huitres [“oyster River”], two leagues farther down than The River Moisy. The savages of Mingan come as far as Rivière aux huitres to hunt, and sometimes debauch the savages of Sept isles. Protest has often been made against This proximity; but How remedy it?

The Salmon-Fishing might be made a business at sept isles, if it were kept up every year. It is done in July; in 15 or 18 days The Fishing is over, and I have been assured that they could easily catch some twenty Caskfuls. If the Agent had Nets, and gave proper orders to the Engagés who remain at the Post during his journey into the interior, this fishing would be done without one’s noticing it. It is true that the ship from sept isles would arrive at Quebec 15 days later, but what would that matter? It would always get there before The 15th of august, and would have more time than it needed to prepare for its return. The expenses would not be increased, since the Engagés contract for The year: and as, besides, They have nothing very important to do at [Page 123] that season. By making all these little advantages avail, each post would increase its profits.

That is what I can say regarding the posts; if my knowledge is limited, it is correct.

I will add one word in reference to the Agents.

I think that there would be a great risk in changing them now, and that, on the Contrary, everything possible ought to be done to engage them to remain. 1st. No better farmer for La Malbaye could be found. He is so attached to it that he regards as his very own what is placed in his hands, using all his efforts to make it valuable, so far as that depends upon him. 2nd. The Tadoussac agent has found the way to attach the savages to him. He does with them as he pleases; and during the 4 years while he has been Agent, his post has always succeeded in regard to Seal-oil. He is not very skillful in Writing, but he renders his Accounts faithfully, and Monsieur Cugnet has always appeared satisfied with him. Besides, the savages would perhaps disperse if any one whom they did not like were given to them. 3rd. The chekoutimi agent has been managing the post for more than 14 years; He is liked by the savages, who are quite difficult to lead in This Canton. He has the talent to Encourage them; and, if He were removed, It is to be feared that the Mistassins, who are attached to Him, would have their Peltries taken to hudson’s bay, from which they are not as Far as from chekoutimi; and that the savages of chomoukchwan would carry theirs to three Rivers. 4th. The agent of the Jérémie islets has always conducted his post well; and I have, in the proper place, remarked that his careful administration has [Page 125] brought profit to Monsieur Cugnet. 5th. The agent of Sept isles is an old Stager in the trade; it is a pity that he is worn out. If he were exchanged with The agent at the islets, He would be in very good condition to continue his services, and would willingly Devote himself to it. The point is, to ascertain whether the agent at the islets would like this change.

I pray Monsieur the Intendant to keep this memorandum to himself; and, if he judge it proper to make some extracts from it, not to say from whom It comes to him.

april 5th 1750.

The manner of trade is uniform in all the posts, except at Sept. isles, where they sell at ‘a higher price. Every twenty sols represents a beaver of good size; while for the little ones they get two, and sometimes three. A marten, however fine it is, is taken at the same rate, as well as the common Foxes, Otters, Pecans,[23] bear’s cubs, etc. The Lynx, when it is fine, is worth [blank space in MS.] beavers, sometimes more, sometimes less; its size and its fur determine its price. A silver fox is worth 6 Beavers: a black fox, 20 or 22. Thus, for example, an ell of cloth which is marked upon the invoice “ . . . 8 livres,” is sold for 8 martens or 8 Beavers, etc. The savages of Tadoussac and of the islets trade their oil for the Beaver: Five pots of oil for one, and A Cask for 22; one large Sealskin for a Beaver; and so on, in the same proportion. [Page 127]

Mission of Tadoussac, 1740-50.




 left Quebec on the 14th of June, 1740, to take the place of Reverend Father Laure, who died two years before at les Eboulements.

Reverend Father Chardon, — a former missionary among the Outtawàs, who, 40 years before, had gone to the Mistassins to visit that mission, and to ascertain whether he could winter in that region, — through zeal and through love for me, with the purpose of assisting me at the beginning, was pleased to embark with me in the little vessel called the St. Etienne, on which Monsieur Cugnet had also embarked to visit the posts of the King’s domain, of which he is now the farmer. We went first to the missions of the Jérémie Islets and of Tadoussac. Thence we ascended the Saguenay, and, on the 2nd of the month of July in the same year, we landed at Chikoutimy.

On the 22nd of August, I went down alone to Tadoussac, for some reasons of importance, by the advice and with the consent of Reverend Father Chardon; he was very willing to remain alone at Chikoutimy for some weeks until the return of the bark, on which he took passage, to return to Quebec, on the 1st or 2nd of September.

On the 4th, the same schooner passed before [Page 129] Tadoussac; and I joined Reverend Father Chardon on it, in order to visit the mission of la Malbaie.

Finally, on the 7th of the same month, we parted with great regret on both sides, — Reverend Father Chardon returning to Quebec in the schooner while I remained at la Malbaie for some weeks.

On the 20th of the same month, I left that place to return to Chikoutimy, where I arrived on the 24th of the same month. I wintered at this post in the first year of my mission.


About the middle of May, I was obliged to descend the Saguenay and go up to Quebec, to get cured of an irksome ailment which had become chronic with me, but which I had noticed only a few days before. I thought that I would have to go to France in the autumn; but through the permission of God, to whom I render a thousand thanks, it was decided by the Superiors — with the advice of brother Jean Boispineau, the apothecary[24] — that my cure should be attempted by means of an operation, which was very successful. I am indebted for this happy result, after God, to the care and skill of that dear brother — who, through the operation, had the glory of being the only one who really knew the nature of my disease. This illness compelled me to pass a whole year at Quebec.


About the end of May, I embarked at Quebec in a canoe to return to my mission, perfectly cured. After spending some days at la Malbaie, and nearly two weeks at Tadoussac, I reached Chikoutimy on the 15th of June. On the schooner’s first voyage, [Page 131] Monsieur Gosselin, priest and canon of the Quebec cathedral, embarked with Monsieur Cugnet to see whether he could not find some especial plants on the lands of the Domain. He was fortunate enough, I am told, to find some which were considered valuable, and were accepted in the King’s garden in France.

I spent the winter of this year at la Malbaie, where during my wintering they hewed in the forest, and brought down to the site selected, the timber required for erecting a new chapel. It was to have been built in the summer of the year 1743; and this would, in fact, have been done had it not been for the negligence of one of the farmers of that place.

On the 14th of October, after having spent a month at Quebec on my return from my mission, I embarked on the small vessel from Sept Isles, called the St. François, with the purpose of wintering that year at this post, where I arrived for the 1st time on the 10th of November. We had anchored on the 27th of October in the Harbor of St. Nicolas, to leave the provisions required by those who were to winter at the post of pointe a la Croix, about a league above that Harbor.

On the 10th of November, I at last landed at Sept Isles, where I had on the same day, which was a Sunday, the happiness of celebrating mass for the first time. On the 12th of March, 1744, Joseph Philibot — whom I had taken with me the previous autumn, and whom I had brought to Sept Isles to winter there with me — and Michel Drapeau, one of the engagés of the post, were among the first to square timber for the chapel that I intend, with the favor of God, to build at this spot. In the afternoon of [Page 133] the same day, I myself went to the woods where they were working, to strike some blows with an axe, for the purpose of animating our workmen and enjoying the consolation of also having a hand in the work.

On the 14th of April, I started from Sept Isles to go to Mingan, where Monsieur Volant had several times invited me to visit him. I arrived there on the 16th of the same month, about six o’clock in the evening. On the 3rd of May, — the fourth Sunday after Easter, and the feast of the invention of the Holy Cross, — 1 had the honor of seeing erected there, by Monsieur Volant and all the French then at the post, a cross 25 feet high, which I blessed on that day, to the great satisfaction of all.

On the third day after my arrival at that place, I left it to return to Sept Isles, where I arrived on the following day, the sixth of the same month, an hour or two after sunset. I remained there for more than three weeks longer, — that is to say until the 1st of June, when I embarked in a canoe to go among the other posts. After spending about a month at Quebec, I left it on the 10th of October, the feast of St. Francis Borgia, to winter at Chikoutimy. I arrived there two days before All Saints’ day, and on the day after All Souls’ day I left again, to see and confess the French and savages at Tadoussac. On the 12th of November, I embarked in the evening to go up to Chikoutimy; but we could only proceed 4 leagues that day. After being wind-bound for two whole days, I was obliged to return to Tadoussac to say mass, on the third day, which was a Sunday, — as the wind still continued contrary, and one of my canoemen had fallen ill. At last I started in the [Page 135] morning, with a favorable wind; and on the following day, before dawn, I proceeded to Chekoutimy. This year I sent Philibot, whom I always retain in my service, to Sept Iles to spend the winter there, and to prepare quietly during the winter, and early in the spring, all that is needed for building their chapel.[25]




tthe death of Father Maurice I was appointed to confess the French at the posts. I therefore left Quebec on the 13th of May, and returned on the 17th of July. I was afterward permanently appointed as the successor of that dear Father, and I left Quebec on the 27th of October. After officiating in my mission at la Malbaie and at Tadoussac I arrived on the 20th of November at Chekoutimi, which I had selected as my winter-quarters, — after running the risk of drifting about in the ice, by which I was surrounded for nearly two hours.


On the 21st of March, Blanchard departed to prepare the timber for the new Church at Tadoussac, in accordance with the written agreement which I had with him.

On the 16th of May, I blessed the site of the new church, and drove the first nail.

Nota. Monsieur Hocquart,[26] the Intendant of New France gave all the boards, planks, and shingles, and all the nails necessary for the building; while 1 undertook, for myself and my successors, to say mass [Page 137] for him On St. Anne’s day, so long as the church should exist, as an acknowledgment of his liberality.


On the 5th of April, I left Chekoutimi on the ice to go to Tadoussac. I remained there five days, and then went to la Malbaie to enable them to obtain the indulgences of the Jubilee. I returned on the 27th to Tadoussac, whence I started on the 2nd of June for Chekoutimi, arriving there on the morning of the 3rd. I had the consolation of putting an end to the misconduct of a wretched man who had for a long time lived an evil life. I left Chekoutimi on the 1st of July, having been detained partly owing to a sore leg, and partly because I wished to conclude a marriage upon which I had greatly set my heart; and I was able to go to the Jérémie Islets on the 5th of July. I returned to Tadoussac for the festival of St. Anne; and, after a second voyage to Chekoutimi and one to Quebec, I went to spend the winter at Bon désir.

On the 4th of March, 1748, I was sent for to go to Chekoutimi, where some people were sick, and I returned to Tadoussac. On the 21st, I went to Quebec, where I obtained from monsieur the Intendant a further amount of 300 livres for my new Church of Tadoussac.

In the autumn of 1749, Monsieur Bigot, the Intendant, granted me 200 livres for my church of Tadoussac, which was roofed and closed in this year.[27]

Finally, on the feast of St. John in the year 1750, the said Church was completely finished; and it was valued at 3,000 livres by Monsieur Guillemin, [Page 139] Councilor of the Quebec Council, and King’s Commissioner, who on the 1st of last October made his report to Monsieur Hary, the new farmer of the posts.

Nota. These three thousand livres and the value of the church ornaments were paid to the farmer as a reimbursement, although he had not spent a single sol. [Page 141]

Letter from Father Vivier, Missionary among

the Ilinois, to Father * * * .


y Dear Friend,

                                Pax Christi.

When one leaves France for distant countries, it is not difficult to make promises to one’s friends; but, when the time comes, it is no slight task to keep them, especially during the first years. We have here but a single opportunity, once a year, for sending our letters to France. It is therefore necessary to devote an entire week to writing, without interruption, if one wish to fulfill all one’s promises. Moreover, what we have to write of this country is so little curious and so little edifying that it is hardly worth while to take up a pen. It is less for the purpose of gratifying your curiosity than of responding to the friendship that you display for me, that I write to you to-day. Let us try, nevertheless, to give you some idea of the country, of its inhabitants, and of our occupations. The Illinois country lies about the 39th degree of north latitude, about g degrees from new Orleans, the capital of the whole Colony. The climate is very much like that of France, with this difference, that the winter here is not so long and is less continuous, and the heat in summer is a little greater. The country in general is covered with an alternation of plains and forests, and is watered by very fine rivers. Wild cattle, deer, elk, bears, and wild turkeys abound everywhere, in [Page 143] all seasons, except near the inhabited portions. It is usually necessary to go one or two leagues to find deer, and seven or eight to find oxen. During a portion of the autumn, through the winter, and during a portion of the spring, the country is overrun with swans, bustards, geese, ducks of three kinds wild pigeons, and teal. There are also certain bird: as large as hens, which are called pheasants in this country, but which I would rather name “ grouse; ‘I they are not, however, equal in my opinion to the European grouse. I speak not of partridges or of hares, because no one condescends to shoot at them. The plants, trees, and vegetables that have been brought from France or from Canada, grow fairly well. As a rule, the country can produce all things needed to support life, and even to make it agreeable.

There are three classes of inhabitants: French, Negroes, and Savages; to say nothing of Half-breeds born of the one or the other, — as a rule, against the Law of God. There are 5 French Villages and 3 Villages of Savages within a distance of 21 leagues, between the Mississipi and another river called the Kaskaskias. In the five French Villages there may be eleven hundred white people, three hundred black, and about sixty red slaves, otherwise Savages. The three Illinois Villages do not contain more than eight hundred Savages, of all ages. The majority of the French settled in this country devote themselves to the cultivation of the soil. They sow quantities of wheat; they rear cattle brought from France,[28] also pigs and horses in great numbers. This, with hunting, enables them to live very comfortably. There is no fear of famine in this Country; there is always three times as much food as can [Page 145] be consumed. Besides wheat, maize — otherwise “Turkish corn” — grows Plentifully every year, and quantities Of flour are Conveyed to new Orleans, Let us consider the Savages in particular. Nothing but erroneous ideas are conceived of them in Europe; they are hardly believed to be men. This is a gross error. The Savages, and especially the Illinois, are of a very gentle and sociable nature. They have wit, and seem to have more than our peasants — as much, at least, as most Frenchmen. This is due to the freedom in which they are reared; respect never makes them timid. As there is neither rank nor dignity among them, all men seem equal to them. An Illinois would speak as boldly to the King of France as to the lowest of his subjects. Most of them are capable of sustaining a conversation with any person, provided no question be treated of that is beyond their sphere of knowledge. They submit to raillery very well; they know not what it is to dispute and get angry while conversing. They never interrupt you in conversation. I found in them many qualities that are lacking in civilized peoples. They are distributed in cabins; a cabin is a sort of room in common, in which there are generally from 15 to 20 persons. They all live in great peace, which is due, in a great measure, to the fact that each one is allowed to do what he pleases. From the beginning of October to the middle of March, they hunt at a distance of forty or fifty leagues from their Village; and, in the middle of March, they return to their Village. Then the women sow the maize. As to the men, with the exception of a little hunting now and then, they lead a thoroughly idle life; they chat and smoke, and that is all. As a [Page 147] rule, the Illinois are very lazy and greatly addicted to brandy; this is the cause of the insignificant results that we obtain among them. Formerly, we had Missionaries in the three Villages. The Gentlemen of the Missions étrangères have charge of one of the three. We abandoned the second through lack of a Missionary, and because we obtained but scanty results. We confined ourselves to the third, which alone is larger than the two others. We number two Priests there, but the harvest does not correspond to our labors. If these Missions have no greater success, it is not through the fault of those who have preceded us, for their memory is still held in veneration among French and Illinois. It is perhaps due to the bad example of the French, who are continually mingled with these people; to the brandy that is sold to them, and above all to their disposition which is certainly opposed to all restraint, and consequently to any Religion. When the first Missionaries came among the Illinois, we see, by the writings which they have left us, that they counted five thousand persons of all ages in that Nation. To-day we count but two thousand. It should be observed that, in addition to these three Villages which I have mentioned, there is a fourth one of the same Nation, eighty leagues from here, almost as large as the three others. You may judge by this how much they have diminished in the period of sixty years. I commend myself to your holy sacrifices, in the union whereof I have the honor to be, etc.

Among the Illinois, this 8th_of June, 1750.

[Page 149]

Account of the voyage on the Beautiful river

made in 1749, under the direction of Mon-

sieur de Céloron, by father Bonnecamps.



It was not possible for me last year, to give you an account of my voyage on the Beautiful river.

All the vessels had left Quebec when I reached it, I could, it is true, have written you by way of New England; but I had many things to say to you which prudence would not allow me to send through the hands of the English. Therefore, in spite of the great desire that I had to respond to the confidence which you have shown me, I have chosen the alternative of deferring to do so, until the departure of our vessels.[29]

We left la Chine on the 15th of June, toward 3 o’clock in the afternoon, numbering 23 canoes both french and savage. We slept at pointe Claire, about two leagues distant from la Chine. The next day, although starting out quite early, we made hardly more progress; and we gained les Cèdres with much difficulty, because of the Cascades up which we had to ascend with our canoes, where the greater number were badly injured by the rocks.

The 17th. A part of the day was employed in mending them, and in doubling pointe des Cèdres [“point of Cedars”] with half-cargoes. At night, [Page 151] we camped on the shore of the lake; the place was a bare tongue of earth, very narrow, at the end of which was a considerable fall. The canoe of Monsieur de Joncaire[30] unfortunately fell into the water there, and was lost; of the four men who were in it, three were fortunate enough to save themselves by swimming; the fourth was not so fortunate, and perished before our eyes, without our being able to give him the slightest aid. This was the only man whom we lost during the expedition.

The 18th. We reached ante aux bateaux [“boat Cove”], which is at the entrance of lake St. Francis. On that day, Monsieur de Céloron[31] detached a party of men to go to recover the remains of the wrecked canoe.

The 19th. I took our bearings at anse aux bateaux, which I found to be 45  32’ of latitude. The 21st. We passed lake St. Francis, which must be seven leagues in length and two leagues in its greatest breadth. That night we slept at mille Roches [“thousand Rocks”. The 22nd. We arrived at the Long Sault toward eleven o’clock in the morning. There we made a portage of somewhat more than a quarter of a league, and reëntered the canoes now empty of their lading. We would do much better to carry them by land, as we would carry baggage; we would lose less time, and incur less risk; but custom is a law against which good sense does not always prevail. The Long Sault is divided into three channels by two islands. The ascent is made by the north channel, and the descent by the south channel. The middle one, which is called “the lonely channel,” is said to be impracticable.

The 25th. We disembarked at the dwelling of [Page 153] the abbé Piquet, whose new establishment is south of the river — 37 leagues from Montreal, and directly at the end of the rapids. We found him lodged under a shelter of bark, in the midst of a clearing of nearly 40 arpents. The fort which he has had constructed is a square of 70 feet on each side; it is situated at the mouth of a river, which he has named la Presentation, and at the base of a little headland, low and marshy. According to abbé Piquet, the soil is excellent; but it did not appear so to us. One sees there as many trees of fir as of hard wood. His whole village consisted of two men, who followed us into the Beautiful River.[32]

The 27th. We arrived at Cataracoui, soon after noon. The fort of Cataracoui is situated near the bottom of a cove, about thirty arpents from the river. It is a square of stone-work, 60 toises in extent, each corner being flanked by a bastion. Opposite the entrance, a small demilune has been constructed. The neighborhood of the fort is very open, and liable to surprise. It is slightly commanded by a little hill, not very far away. The 28th. I observed its latitude, which I found to be 44  28’. It is here that the course of the river St. Lawrence properly begins, which, in my judgment, does not exceed 230 leagues. The 29th. A strong wind from the southwest detained us at Gataracoui.

The 30th. The lake being calm, we took the route to Niagara, where we arrived on the 6th of July. In all the passage of lake Ontario, I have seen nothing which could excite curiosity. I will only tell you that the waters of this lake are very clear and transparent; at 17 and 18 feet, the bottom can be seen as distinctly as if one saw it through a polished glass. [Page 155] They have still another property, very pleasant to travelers, — that of retaining great coolness in the midst of the suffocating heat which one is sometimes obliged to endure in passing this lake.

The Fort of Niagara is a square made of palisades, faced on the outside with oak timbers, which bind and strengthen the whole work. A large stone barrack forms the curtain-wall, which overlooks the lake; its size is almost the same as that of fort Frontenac. It is situated on the eastern bank of the channel by which the waters of lake Erie discharge themselves. It will soon be necessary to remove it elsewhere, because the bank, being continually undermined by the waves which break against it, is gradually caving in, and the water gains noticeably on the fort. It would be advantageously placed above the waterfall, on a fine plateau where all canoes are obliged to land to make the portage. Thus the savages, people who are naturally lazy, would be spared the trouble of making three leagues by land; and if the excessive price of merchandise could be diminished, that would insensibly disgust the English, and we could see the trade, which is almost entirely ruined, again flourishing.

On the 6th and the 7th, I observed the western amplitude of the sun, when it set in the lake: that gave me 6  30’ Northwest for the variation of compass. The latitude of the fort is 43° 28'.

On the 8th, the entire detachment arrived at the portage. The 12th. We encamped at the little rapid at the entrance of lake Erie. The channel which furnishes communication between the two lakes is about 9 leagues in length. Two leagues above the fort, the portage begins. There are three [Page 157] hills[33] to climb, ‘almost in succession. The 3rd is extraordinarily high and steep; it is, at its summit, at least 300 feet above the level of the water. If I had had my graphometer, I could have ascertained its exact height; but I had left that instrument at the fort, for fear that some accident might happen to it during the rest of the voyage. When the top of this last hill is reached, there is a level road to the other end of the portage; the road is broad, fine, and smooth. The famous waterfall of Niagara is very nearly equidistant from the two lakes. It is formed by a rock cleft vertically, and is 133 feet, according to my measurement, which I believe to be exact. Its figure is a half-ellipse, divided near the middle by a little island. The width of the fall is perhaps three-eighths of a league. The water falls in foam over the length of the rock, and is received in a large basin, over which hangs a continual mist.

The 13th. We remained in our camp at the little rapid to await our savages, who were amusing themselves with drinking rum at the portage, with a band of their comrades who were returning from Choaguen [Oswego]. The 14th. The savages having rejoined us, we entered lake Erie, but a strong southwest wind having arisen, we put back to shore. The 15th. In the morning, the wind having ceased, we continued our route, and on the 16th, we arrived early at the portage of Yjadakoin.[34]

It began at the mouth of a little stream called Rivière aux pommes [“apple River”], — the 3rd that is met after entering the lake, and thus it may be easily recognized. The 15th. In the evening, I observed the variation, which I found to be nothing.

We always kept close to the shore. It is quite [Page 159] regular, straight, but moderately high, and furnishes little shelter; in many places it is mere rock, covered with a few inches of soil. Lake Erie is not deep; Its waters have neither the transparency nor the coolness of those of lake Ontario. It is at this lake that I saw for the first time the wild turkeys; they differ in no way from our domestic turkeys.

The 17th. We began the portage, and made a good league that day. I observed the latitude at the 2nd station, — that is, half a league from the lake, — and I found it 42° 33’. The 18th. Our people being fatigued, we shortened the intervals between the stations, and we hardly made more than half a league. The 19th. Bad weather did not allow us to advance far; nevertheless we gained ground every day, and, the 22nd, the portage was entirely accomplished.

In my judgment, it is three and a half leagues. The road is passably good. The wood through which it is cut resembles our forests in France. The beech, the ash, the elm, the red and white oak — these trees compose the greater part of it. A species of tree is found there, which has no other name than that of “ the unknown tree. ” Its trunk is high, erect, and almost without branches to the top. It has a light, soft wood, which is used for making pirogues, and is good for that alone. Eyes more trained than ours, would, perhaps, have made discoveries which would have pleased the taste of arborists. Having reached the shore of lake Yjadakoin, Monsieur de Céloron thought it well to pass the rest of the day in camp to give his people a breathing-space. On the morning of the 23rd, we examined the provisions, pitched the canoes, and set out. Before starting, I took advantage of the [Page 161] fine weather to get the latitude, which I found to be 42° 30’. Lake Yjadakoin may be a league and a half in its greatest width, and 6 leagues in its entire length. It becomes narrow near the middle, and seems to form a double lake.

We left it on the morning of the 24th, and entered the little river which bears its name, and which is, as it were, its outlet. After a league and a half of still water, one enters a rapid, which extends for three leagues or more; in times of drouth, it is very shallow. We were told that in the spring, or after heavy rains, it is navigable; as for us, we found it drained dry. In certain places, which were only too frequent, there was barely two or three inches of water.

Before entering this place, Monsieur de Céloron had the greater part of the baggage unloaded, with people to carry it to the rendezvous. On the road, our natives noticed fresh trails, and huts newly abandoned. From these unequivocal indications, we inferred that some one had come to spy upon us, and that at our approach our discoverers had carried the alarm to the Beautiful River. Therefore, Monsieur the Commandant held a council on the morning of the 25th, in which, after having declared your intentions, he proposed to send Monsieur de Joncaire to la paille coupée,[35] to carry thither some porcelain branches, and to invite the natives to listen to the peaceful message of their father Onontio. The proposition was unanimously approved, and Monsieur de Joncaire set out, accompanied by a detachment of savages. We then worked at repairing our canoes, and sent them on, half-loaded. On the morning of the 27th, we again found the still water, [Page 163] on which we advanced tranquilly until ½ past 10 on the 28th, — a fatal hour, which plunged us again into our former miseries. The water suddenly gave out under our canoes, and we were reduced to the sad necessity of dragging them over the stones, — whose sharp edges, in spite of our care and precautions, took off large splinters from time to time. Finally, overcome with weariness, and almost despairing of seeing the Beautiful River, we entered it on the 29th, at noon. Monsieur de Céloron buried a plate of lead on the south bank of the Ohio; and, farther down, he attached the royal coat of arms to a tree. After these operations, we encamped opposite a little Iroquois village, of 12 or 13 cabins; it is called Kananouangon.[36]

The 30th. We arrived at la paille coupée. There we rejoined Monsieur de Joncaire, who told us that our conjecture was correct; that the report of our march had thrown all those people into consternation, and that he had had much difficulty in making the fugitives return. The chiefs came to greet Monsieur the Commandant, who bestowed upon them a thousand tokens of kindness, and sought to reassure them.

The 31st. In the morning, he spoke to them on your behalf; and in the evening he received their reply, that every one had been satisfied, — if one could believe it sincere; but we did not doubt that it was extorted by fear.

You will excuse me from reporting here, or elsewhere, either the words of Monsieur de Céloron, or the replies which they gave him, because he will send you copies of these.

La paille toupee is a very insignificant village, [Page 165] composed of Iroquois and some loups. It is situated on the northern bank of the Ohio, and is bounded on the north by a group of mountains which form a very narrow half-basin, at the bottom of which is the village; its latitude is 42° 5’.

On the 1st of August, we broke camp; and that evening we slept at a little loup village of 9 or 10 cabins. We marched all day between two chains of mountains, which bordered the river on the right and left. The Ohio is very low during the first twenty leagues; but a great storm, which we had experienced on the eve of our departure, had swollen the waters, and we pursued our journey without any hindrance.

Monsieur Chabert on that day caught seven rattlesnakes, which were the first that I had seen. This snake differs in no way from others, except that its tail is terminated by seven or eight little scales, fitting one into another, which make a sort of clicking sound when the creature moves or shakes itself. Some have yellowish spots scattered over a brown ground, and others are entirely brown, or almost black.

There are, I am told, very large ones. None of those which I have seen exceed 4 feet. The bite is fatal. It is said that washing the wound which has been received, with saliva mixed with a little sea-salt, is a sovereign remedy. We have not had, thank God, any occasion to put this antidote to the test. I have been told a thousand marvelous things about this reptile; among others, that the Squirrel, upon perceiving a rattlesnake, immediately becomes greatly agitated; and, at the end of a certain period of time, — drawn, as it were, by an invincible [Page 167] attraction, — approaches it, even throwing itself into the jaws of the serpent. I have read a statement similar to this reported in philosophic transactions; but I do not give it credence, for all that.

The 2nd. Monsieur de Céloron spoke to the loups. I took the bearings of our camp on the same day, and found it to be 41° 41’ of latitude.

The 3rd. We continued our route, and we marched, as on the first day, buried in the somber and dismal valley, which serves as the bed of the Ohio. We encountered on our route two small villages of loups, where we did not halt. In the evening, after we disembarked, we buried a 2nd plate of lead under a great rock, upon which were to be seen several figures roughly graven. These were the figures of men and women, and the footprints of goats, turkeys, bears, etc., traced upon the rock. Our officers tried to persuade me that this was the work of Europeans; but, in truth, I may say that in the style and workmanship of these engravings one cannot fail to recognize the unskillfulness of savages. I might add to this, that they have much analogy with the hieroglyphics which they use instead of writing.[37]

The 4th. We continued our route, always surrounded by mountains, — sometimes so high that they did not permit us to see the sun before 9 or 10 o’clock in the morning, or after 2 or 3 in the afternoon. This double chain of mountains stretches along the Beautiful River, at least as far as rivière à la Roche [“Rocky river”]. Here and there, they fall back from the shore, and display little plains of one or two leagues in depth.

The 6th. We arrived at Atigué, where we found [Page 169] no person; all the people had fled to the woods. Seeing this, we went on, and came to the old village of the Chaouanons, where we found only a man and a woman, so old that their united ages would make fully two centuries. Some time afterward, we encountered five Englishmen who appeared to us to be engagés; they were ordered to quit that region, and they responded that they were ready to obey. They were given a letter for the governor of Philadelphia; It was a copy of that which you had given for a model. These English came from Chiningué and Sinhioto.[38] They had some forty packets of peltries, which they were preparing to carry to Philadelphia. These packets consisted of skins of bears, otters, cats, précans,23and roe-deer, with the hair retained, — for neither martens nor beavers are seen there, The Englishmen told us that they reckoned it 100 leagues from that place to Philadelphia.

The 7th. We found another village of loups. Monsieur de Céloron induced the chief to come to Chiningue to hear your message. At two leagues from there we landed, in order to speak to the English; the same compliments were presented to them as to the others, and they answered us with the same apparent submission. They were lodged in miserable cabins, and had a storehouse well filled with peltries, which we did not disturb.

One of our Officers showed me a bean-tree. This is a tree of medium size whose trunk and branches are armed with thorns three or four inches long, and two or three lines thick at the base. The interior of these thorns is filled with pulp. The fruit is a sort of little bean, enclosed in a pod about a foot long, an inch wide, and of a reddish color [Page 171] somewhat mingled with green. There are five or six beans in each pod. The same day, we dined in a hollow cotton-tree, in which 29 men could be ranged side by side. This tree is not rare in those regions; it grows on the river-banks and in marshy places. It attains a great height and has many branches. Its bark is seamed and rough like shagreen. The wood is hard, brittle, and apt to decay; I do not believe that I have seen two of these trees that were not hollow. Its leaves are large and thickly set; its fruit is of the size of a hazelnut, enveloped in down; the whole resembling an apple, exactly spherical, and about an inch in diameter.

Now that I am on the subject of trees, I will tell you something of the assimine-tree, and of that which is called the lentil-tree. The 1st is a shrub, the fruit of which is oval in shape, and a little larger than a bustard’s egg; its substance is white and spongy, and becomes yellow when the fruit is ripe. It contains two or three kernels, large and flat like the garden bean. They have each their special cell. The fruits grow ordinarily in pairs, and are suspended on the same stalk. The French have given it a name which is not very refined, Testiculi asini. This is a delicate morsel for the savages and the Canadians; as for me, I have found it of an unendurable insipidity. The one which I call the lentil-tree is a tree of ordinary size; the leaf is short, oblong, and serrated all around. Its fruit much resembles our lentils. It is enclosed in pods, which grow in large, thick tufts at the extremities of the branches.[39] But it is time to resume our course.

On the morning of the 8th, Monsieur de Céloron sent me with an officer to examine certain writings, [Page 173] which our savages had seen the evening before, on a rock, and which they imagined to contain some mystery. Having examined it, we reported to him that this was nothing more than three or four English names scrawled with charcoal. I took the altitude in our camp, the latitude of which was 40° 46’.

A little after noon, we departed for the village of the Chinningué. It was three o’clock when we arrived. We disembarked at the foot of a very high slope. It was lined with people, and they saluted us with four volleys from their guns; we responded in the same manner.

Monsieur de Céloron, reflecting upon the disadvantageous situation of his camp, if we remained at the foot of the slope, decided to have it transported to the top, and to place our force between the village and the woods. This move was executed in sight of the savages, who dared not oppose us. When we were well established, the chiefs came to salute the Commandant. After an interchange of compliments, Monsieur de Céloron manifested his displeasure that they had set up the english flag opposite that of France, and ordered them to take it down. The firm tone with which he spoke caused them to obey him. In the evening we doubled the guard; and, instead of 40 men who had mounted guard regularly every night since our entrance into Yjadakoin, 80 were assigned to that duty. Moreover, all the officers and engagés were ordered to sleep in their clothing.

On the morning of the 9th, a savage came to tell Monsieur de Joncaire that 80 warriors starting from Kaskaské were on the point of arriving; that they came intending to aid their brothers, and to deal us a blow. [Page 175]

Monsieur de Joncaire, having made his report of this to the Commandant, the latter immediately gave orders to prepare for a warm reception of the enemy. These preparations were not made. The savages, seeing our bold front and our superior number, quietly withdrew and saluted us very politely in passing before our camp, During the rest of the day, all was tranquil.

On the 10th, there was a council, in which Monsieur de Céloron spoke to them on your part. They responded on the 11th, and we departed immediately after the council. The village of Chiningué[40] is quite new; it is hardly more than five or six years since it was established. The savages who live there are almost all Iroquois; they count about sixty warriors. The English there were 10 in number, and one among them was their chief. Monsieur de Céloron had him come, and ordered him, as he had done with the others, to return to his own country. The Englishman, who saw us ready to depart, acquiesced in all that was exacted from him, — firmly resolved, doubtless, to do nothing of the kind, as soon as our backs were turned.

From, Chiningué to Sinhioto, my journal furnishes me with nothing curious or new; there are only readings of the Compass, taken every quarter of an hour, the list of which would be as tedious for the reader as for the copyist. I will only tell you that we buried three plates of lead at the mouths of three different rivers, the 1st of which was called Kanenouaora, the second, Jenanguékona, and the 3rd, Chinodaichta. It was in the neighborhood of this river that we began to see the illinois, cattle; but, here and elsewhere, they were in such small numbers [Page 177] that our men could hardly kill a score of them, It was, besides, necessary to seek them far in the woods.[41] We had been assured, however, at our departure, that at each, point we should find them by hundreds, and that the tongues alone of those which we should kill would suffice to support the troops. This is not the first time when I have experienced that hyperbole and exaggeration were figures familiar to the Canadians.

When we were near Sinhioto, Monsieur de Céloron, by the advice of the officers and of the savages, despatched Messieurs de Joncaire and Niverville[42] to announce our approaching arrival to the Chaouanons. Their reception was not gracious. Hardly had the savages perceived them, when they fired on them, and their colors were pierced in three places. In spite of this hail of musketry, they advanced as far as the bank, and disembarked without receiving any wound. They were conducted to the council-cabin; but scarcely had Monsieur de Joncaire commenced his harangue, when a miserable Panis [Pawnee], to all appearances influenced by the English, suddenly arose, crying out that they were deceived, and that the French came to them only to destroy them. This denunciation was like a war-cry. The savages ran to arms, and arrested our envoys; they talked of binding them to the stake; and perhaps they would have executed this threat if an Iroquois, who was by chance present, had not appeased the furious savages by assuring them that we had no evil designs. He even promised to go with Monsieur de Joncaire to meet us, which he did.

We encountered them on the 22nd, about a league from the village. Monsieur de Céloron thanked the [Page 179] Iroquois for the zeal which he had displayed on this occasion, and made him some small presents.

We finally embarked, in order to go to Sinhioto. We encamped opposite the village, where we worked hard, in order to complete the fort, which had been begun the evening before.

On the 23rd, a council was held; but the savages raised some difficulties about the place where they were to assemble. They desired that we should address them in the cabin appointed for Councils; Monsieur de Céloron declared, on the contrary, that it was for the children to come to hear the words of their father in the place where he had lighted his fire. Briefly, after many disputes, the savages gave way and presented themselves in our camp. During the Council, two couriers arrived, to announce that canoes bearing the french colors had been seen descending the river of Sinhioto. This news somewhat disconcerted our grave senators, who imagined that it was a party of warriors sent against them from Detroit, and that it was our design to inclose them between two fires. Monsieur the Commandant had great difficulty to reassure them. Finally, however, their fears were dissipated, and they continued the council. The 24th. The savages responded, but in vague and general terms, which signified nothing at all.

On the 25th, 4 outaouas arrived with letters from Monsieur [de] Sabrevois,[43] which notified Monsieur de Céloron that he had not been able to persuade the savages of his government to come to join us on the Beautiful River, as had been projected. In the evening, there was a bonfire to celebrate the feast of St- Louis. All the detachment was under arms; they fired three volleys of musketry, preceded by several cries of Vive le Roy! [Page 181]

The 26th. The Chaouanons gave a 2nd response which was somewhat more satisfactory than the 1st. After which, we continued our journey to rivière a la Roche.

The situation of the village of the Chaouanons is quite pleasant, — at least, it iS not masked by the mountains, like the other villages through which we had passed. The Sinhioto river, which bounds it on the West, has given it its name. It is composed of about sixty cabins. The Englishmen there numbered five. They were ordered to withdraw, and promised to do so. The latitude of our camp was 39° 1’.

The 28th. We encamped at the mouth of rivière Blanche [“White river”], where we found a small band of Miamis with their chief, named le Baril [“the Barrel”]. They had established themselves there a short time before, and formed a village of 7 or 8 cabins, a league distant from the river. Monsieur de Céloron requested them to accompany him to the village of la Demoiselle [“the young Lady”], and they promised to do so. We passed two days waiting for them. Finally, on the morning of the 31st, they appeared, followed by their women, their children, and their dogs. All embarked, and about 4 o’clock in the afternoon we entered rivière a la Roche, after having buried the 6th and last leaden plate on the western bank of that river, and to the north of the Ohio.[44]

This Beautiful River — so little known to the French, and, unfortunately, too well known to the English — is, according to my estimate, 181 marine leagues from the mouth of the Yjadakoin (or Tjadakoin) to the entrance of rivière à la Roche. In all [Page 183] this distance, we have counted twelve villages established on its banks; but if one penetrate into the small continent enclosed between lake Erie and the Ohio, one will find it, according to what has been told us, much more populous. We have been specially told of a certain village situated on the river Kaskaské, in which, we are assured, there are nearly 800 men.[45] Each village, whether large or small, has one or more traders, who have in their employ engagés for the transportation of peltries. Behold, then, the English already far within our territory; and, what is worse, they are under the protection of a crowd of savages whom they entice to themselves, and whose number increases every day. Their design is, without doubt, to establish themselves there; and, if efficacious measures be not taken as soon as possible to arrest their progress, we run very great risk of seeing ourselves quickly driven from the upper countries, and of being obliged to confine ourselves to the limits which it may please those gentlemen to prescribe to us. This is perhaps all the more true that it does not seem probable. I resume the thread of my journal.

Rivière à la Roche is very well named. Its bottom is but one continuous rock; its waters are extremely shallow. Notwithstanding this, we had the good fortune to guide our canoes as far as the village of la Demoiselle. In order to lighten them, we had landed half of our people. This was thought to have [occasioned] the loss of Monsieur de Joannès, — who, having undertaken to follow a savage who was going to hunt, lost himself in the woods, and remained there two days without our being able to obtain any news of him, in spite of all the efforts which we [Page 185] made. On the 3rd day after his disappearance, we saw him, when we least expected to do so, at a bend in the river, conducted by two Miamis.

On the 13th of September, we had the honor of saluting la Demoiselle in his fort. It is situated on a vast prairie which borders Rivière à la Roche; its latitude is 40° 34’. This band is not numerous; it consists at most of 40 or 50 men.[46] There is among them an English trader. Monsieur de Céloron did not talk with la Demoiselle until the 17th, because he awaited an interpreter from the Miamis, for whom he had asked Monsieur Raimond. But, wearied with waiting, and seeing the season already advanced, he determined to take for an interpreter an old Sounantouan who was in le Baril’s company.

On the 18th, la Demoiselle replied, and in his answer promised to take back his band to their old village in the following spring; he even gave his word that he would go with us as far as there, in order to prepare everything for his return. But the arrival of the Miami interpreter put him in a bad humor; he forgot all his promises, and in spite of all that we could do, he constantly refused to see us. We then left him; and, after having burned our canoes and all that we could not carry, we took leave of him on the morning of the 20th.

Our journey by land was only five days. We were divided into four brigades, each commanded by two officers. We marched in single file, because the narrowness of the path would not permit us to do otherwise. The road was passable, but we found it quite tedious. In my estimation, the journey from la Demoiselle’s to the Miamis might cover 35 leagues — Three times we crossed Rivière à la Roche; but [Page 187] here it was only a feeble brook, which ran over a few feet of mud. A little more than half-way, we began to skirt the river of the Miamis, which was on our left. We found therein large crabs in abundance. From time to time we marched over vast prairies, where the herbage was sometimes of extraordinary height. Having reached Monsieur Raimond’s post, we bought pirogues and provisions; and, on the afternoon of the 27th, we set out, en route for Detroit.

The fort of the Miamis was in a very bad condition when we reached it; most of the palisades were decayed and fallen into ruin. Within there were eight houses, — or, to speak more correctly, eight miserable huts, which only the desire of making money could render endurable. The French there numbered 22; all of them, even to the commandant, had the fever. Monsieur Raimond did not approve the situation of the fort, and maintained that it should be placed on the bank of the St. Joseph river, distant only a scant league from its present site. He wished to show me that spot, but the hindrances of our departure prevented me from going thither. All that I could do for him was to trace for him the plan of his new fort. The latitude of the old one is 41’ 29’. It was while with the Miamis that I learned that we had, a little before entering rivière 3 la Roche, passed within two or three leagues of the famous salt-springs where are the skeletons of immense animals.[47] This news greatly chagrined me; and I could hardly forgive myself for having missed this discovery. It was the more curious that I should have done this on my journey, and I would have been proud if I could have given you the details of it. [Page 189]

The Miami River caused us no less embarrassment than Rivière à la Roche had done. At almost every instant we were stopped by beds of flat stones, over which it was necessary to drag our pirogues by main force. I will say, however, that at intervals were found beautiful reaches of smooth water, but they were few and short. In the last six leagues, the river is broad [and deep], and seems to herald the grandeur of the lake into which it discharges its waters. At 6 leagues above lake Erie, I took the altitude, which was found to be 42° 0’.

We entered the lake on the 5th of October. On entering it, there is to the left the bay of Onanguissé, which is said to be very deep. Soon after, one encounters to the right, the Isles aux Serpents [“islands where there are Snakes”], On the 6th, we arrived at the mouth of the Detroit River, where we found canoes and provisions for our return. Monsieur de Céloron had the goodness to permit me to go to the fort with some officers. We spent there the entire day of the 7th. I took the latitude in Father Bonaventure’s courtyard, and I found it 42° 38’.

In the evening, we returned to our camp, where we spent the 8th waiting for our savages, a class of men created in order to exercise the patience of those who have the misfortune to travel with them. I profited by this hindrance in order to take the latitude of our camp, which was 42° 28’.

I remained too short a time at Detroit to be able to give you an exact description of it. All that I can say to you about it is, that its situation appeared to me charming. A beautiful river runs at the foot of the fort; vast plains, which only ask to be cultivated, [Page 191] extend beyond the sight. There is nothing milder than the climate, which scarcely counts two months of winter. The productions of Europe, and especially the grains, grow much better than in many of the cantons of France. It is the Touraine and Beauce of Canada. Moreover, we should regard Detroit as one of the most important posts of the Colony. It is conveniently situated for furnishing aid to Michilimakinak, to the St. Joseph River, to the Bay, to the Miamis, Ouiatanons, and to the Beautiful River, supposing that settlements be made thereon. Accordingly, we cannot send thither too many people; but where shall we find men therefor? Certainly not in Canada. The colonists whom you sent there last year contented themselves with eating the rations that the King provided. Some among them, even, carried away by their natural levity, have left the country and gone to seek their fortune elsewhere. How many poor laborers in France would be delighted to find a country which would furnish them abundantly with what would repay them for their industry and toil.

The Fort of Detroit is a long square; I do not know its dimensions, but it appeared large to me. The village of the Hurons and that of the Outaouas are on the other side of the river, — [where, father La Richardie told me, the rebels were beginning to disperse, and the band of Nicolas was diminishing day by day. We had asked news about him, when upon the Beautiful River;] and were told that he had established his residence in the neighborhood of lake Erie.[48]

We left Detroit on the 9th of October, and on the 19th arrived at Niagara. I took the altitude twice [Page 193] on lake Erie, — once at Pointe Pelée, which was 42° 20'; the other time, a little below pointe à la Biche [“Fawn’s point”], which was 43° 6’. We left Niagara on the 22nd, and, to shorten our road, we passed along the south shore of lake Ontario. We experienced on this lake some terrible storms; More than once, we were on the point of perishing, Finally, notwithstanding the winds and tempests, our bark canoes brought us safe and sound to Cataracoui on the 4th of November.

I saw Choaguen in passing, but it was too far for me to examine it.

On the 7th, we left Cataracoui, and on the 10th we arrived at Montréal. On the road we halted at the dwelling of abbé Piquet, who was then at Montréal. We found three-quarters of his fort burned by the Iroquois — sent, they say, for this purpose, by the English. At one of the angles of the fort they had caused to be constructed a little redout after the style of the Fort St. Jean. The fire had spared it. In returning, I shot all the rapids, the danger of which had been rather exaggerated to me. The first that one encounters in going out from abbé Piquet’s is les Galaux [“the Gallops”]; it is a very small matter. The rapide Plat [“Flat rapid”] which succeeds it is of still less importance. The Long Sault has its difficulties. It is necessary to have a quick eye and sure hand, in order to avoid on the one side the Cascade, and on the other a great rock — against which a canoe, were it of bronze, would be shattered like glass. The Coteau du Lac is not difficult, because one passes at a considerable distance from the Cascade. In the passage of les Cèdres, there is no risk except for bark canoes, because the [Page 195] water has but little depth. “The Thicket” and “the Hole” are two difficult places; but, after all, one escapes save for shipping a little water while shooting this rapid. I have not shot “the Hole.” Our guide led us by another way, which was not much better. It was necessary to Cross a very violent current, which will precipitate You into a very deep cascade, if you miss the right point for crossing. One of our canoes came near turning a Somersault, not having taken proper precautions. The Sault St. Louis is perfectly well known to you.

On the 14th, Monsieur de Céloron and I set out for Québec, where we arrived on the 18th of November, — that is to say, five months and eighteen days after having left it.

I beg of you a few moments’ further audience, in behalf of the chart which I have the honor to present to you. It is reduced, on account of its great extent; it has 20 fixed points which have been furnished to me by the latitudes observed, and which I have marked with double crosses. The longitude is everywhere estimated. If I had had a good compass, I would have been able to determine several of its points by observation; but could I or, ought I to rely on a compass of indifferent merit, and of which I have a hundred times proved the irregularity, both before and since my return? Can I dare say that my estimates are correct? In truth, this would be very rash, — especially as we were obliged to navigate currents subject to a thousand alternations. In still water, even, what rules of estimation could one have, of which the correctness would not be disturbed by the variation and inequalities of the wind or of the rowers? As for the points of the Compass, [Page 197] I can answer for having observed them all, and marked them in my journal with the utmost care; because I know that a part of the exactness of my chart depends upon it. I have not failed to correct them according to the variations that I have observed. I have similarly corrected the leagues of distance, when such did not accord with the latitude observed, In a word, I have done my utmost to deserve the marks of esteem which you have had the goodness to bestow upon me. If I have been fortunate enough to succeed, I beg of you to deign to employ me, when occasion therefor shall present itself; that is the only recompense which I expect for my work.

I cannot bring myself to finish this letter without rendering to Messieurs our officers all the justice that they merit. In the subalterns I have admired their zeal for the service, their courage when occasion required it, their submission to the orders of the Commandant, and their promptitude in exercising them.

As for Monsieur de Céloron, he is a man attentive, clear-sighted, and active; firm, but pliant when necessary; fertile in resources, and full of resolution, — a man, in fine, made to command. I am no flatterer, and I do not fear that what I have said should make me pass for one.

I have the honor to be with the most profound respect,


Your very humble and

very obedient servant

De Bonnecamps, S.J.

At:Québec, October 17, 1750.

[Page 199]

Letter from Father Vivier of the Society of Jesus,

to a Father of the same Society.

Among the Illinois,

November 17, 1750.


y Reverend Father,

          The peace of Our Lord.

I accept with pleasure the proposal which you make me. The slight merits I may acquire by my labors I consent willingly to share with you, on the assurance that you give me of assisting me with your holy prayers. I gain too much from this association not to be desirous of entering into it with all my heart.

There is another point which you desire, and on which I will satisfy you; and that is, the description of our Missions. We have three in this quarter: one consisting of Savages; one of French; and a third, partly of French and partly of Savages.

The first is composed of over six hundred Illinois, all baptized excepting five or six; but the brandy sold by the French, especially by the soldiers, in spite of the King’s repeated prohibitions, and that which is sometimes distributed to them under the pretext of maintaining them in our interest, has ruined this Mission, and has caused the majority of them to abandon our holy Religion; The Savages — and especially the Illinois, who are the gentlest and most tractable of men — become, when intoxicated, madmen and wild beasts. Then they fall upon one [Page 201] another, stab with their knives, and tear one another. Many have lost their ears, and some a portion of their noses, in these tragic encounters. The greatest good that we do among them consists in administering baptism to dying children. I usually reside in this Mission of Savages with Father Guienne, who acts as my Master in the study of the Illinois language.

The French Cure under Father Vattrin’s charge is composed of more than four hundred French people, of all ages, and more than two hundred and fifty Negroes. The third Mission is seventy leagues from here. It is much smaller; Father Meurin[49] has charge of it. The remainder of our Louisiana Mission consists of a residence at New Orleans, where the Superior-general of the Mission resides with another of our Fathers, and two Brethren. We have there a considerable settlement, which is in very good condition. The revenues of this settlement, added to the pensions given us by the King, supply the needs of the Missionaries.

When the Mission is sufficiently provided with laborers (who in this Colony should be twelve in number), one is maintained among the Akansas, another among the Tchactas and a third among the Alibamons. Reverend Father Baudouin, the present Superior-general of the Mission, formerly resided among the Tchactas; he dwelt eighteen years among those barbarians. When he was on the eve of deriving some fruit from his labors, the disturbances excited by the English in that Nation, and the danger to which he was manifestly exposed, compelled Father Vitri, then Superior-general, in concert with” Monsieur the Governor, to recall him [Page 203] to New Orleans. NOW that the troubles are beginning to subside, they are thinking of reëstablishing this Mission. Father Moran was among the Alibamons some years ago. The impossibility of exercising his Ministry, as regards both the Savages and the French, induced the Superior to recall him and confide to him the direction of the Nuns and of the King’s hospital, which is in our charge.[50]

The English, as well as the French, trade among the Alibamon Savages. You can imagine what an obstacle this may be to the progress of Religion. The English are ever ready to preach controversy. Would a poor Savage be in a position to make a choice? At present we have no one among the Akansas. Such, my Reverend Father, is the state of our Mission. The remainder of my letter will be a short description of this country. I shall give particulars which will perhaps be of little interest to you, but which would become useful to this country if the Government would take into consideration a portion of what is herein contained.

The mouth of the Mississipi lies on the 29th degree of north latitude. The King maintains a small garrison there, and also a Pilot to meet vessels and bring them into the river. The multitude of islands and of banks — not of sand, but of mud: which fill it, make its entrance very difficult for those who have never been there. The question is, to find the channel; and there is only one Pilot who is accustomed to the place and knows it thoroughly. Vessels experience difficulty in ascending the Mississipi. Besides the fact that the tide of the sea is not felt in it, it winds continually; so that it is necessary either to tow, or to have at one’s command wind [Page 205] from all points of the compass. From the twenty- ninth to the thirty-first degree of latitude, it did not seem to me wider than the Seine in front of Rouen, but it is infinitely deeper. As one ascends, it becomes wider, but is shallower in proportion. Its length from the North to the South is known to be more than seven hundred leagues. According to the reports of the latest travelers, its source — which is more than three hundred leagues to the North of the Illinois — is formed by the discharge of some lakes and swamps.

Mississipi, in the Illinois language, means “the great river.” It seems to have usurped that name from the Missouri. Before its junction with that river, the Mississipi is of no great size. Its current is slight, while the Missouri is wider, deeper, more rapid, and takes its rise much farther away. Several rivers of considerable size empty into the Mississipi; but the Missouri alone seems to pour into it more water than all these rivers together. Here is the proof of it: the water of most — 1 might say, of all of the rivers that fall into the Mississipi is only passably good, and that of several is positively unwholesome; that of the Mississipi itself, above its junction with the Missouri, is not of the best; on the contrary, that of the Missouri is the best water in the world. Now that of the Mississipi, from its junction with the Missouri to the sea, becomes excellent; the water of the Missouri must therefore predominate. The first travelers who came through Canada discovered the Mississipi; that is the reason why the latter has acquired the name of “great,” at the expense of the glory of the other.

Both banks of the Mississipi are bordered, throughout [Page 207] nearly the whole of its course, by two strips of dense forests, the depth of which varies more or less from half a league to four leagues. Behind these forests the country is more elevated, and is intersected by plains and groves, wherein the trees are almost as thinly scattered as in our public promenades. This is partly due to the fact that the Savages set fire to the prairies toward the end of the autumn, when the grass is dry; the fire spreads everywhere and destroys most of the young trees. This does not happen in the places nearer the river, because, the land being lower, and consequently more watery, the grass remains green longer, and is less susceptible to the attacks of fire.

The plains and forests contain wild cattle, which are found in herds; deer, elk, and bears; a few tigers; numbers of wolves, which are much smaller than those of Europe, and much less daring; wild- cats; wild turkeys and pheasants; and other animals, less known and of smaller size. This river, with all those that flow into it, as well as the lakes, — of which there are a great number, but which, individually, are quite small in extent, — are the abode of beavers; of a prodigious number of ducks, of three kinds; of teal, bustards, geese, swans, snipe; and of some other aquatic birds, whose names are unknown in Europe, to say nothing of the fish of many kinds in which they abound.

It is only at fifteen leagues above the mouth of the Mississipi that one begins to see the first French settlements, as the land lower down is not habitable. They are situated on both sides of the river as far as the Town. The lands throughout this extent, which is fifteen leagues, are not all occupied; many [Page 209] await new settlers. New Orleans, the Metropolis of Louisiana, is built on the east bank of the river; it is of medium size, and the streets are in straight lines; some of the houses are built of brick, and others of wood. It is inhabited by French, Negroes, and some Savages who are slaves; all these together do not, it seemed to me, number more than twelve hundred persons.[51]

The climate, although infinitely more bearable than that of the islands, seems heavy to one who has recently landed. If the country were less densely wooded, especially on the side toward the sea, the wind coming thence would penetrate inland and greatly temper the heat. The soil is very good, and nearly all kinds of vegetables grow very well in it. There are splendid orange-trees; the people cultivate indigo, maize in abundance, rice, potatoes, cotton, and tobacco. The vine might succeed there; at least I have seen some very good muscatel grapes. The climate is too hot for wheat. Buckwheat, millet, and oats grow very well. Poultry of all kinds are raised, and horned cattle have multiplied considerably. The forests are at present the chief and surest source of revenue of many habitans; they obtain from them quantities of lumber for building purposes, which they manufacture easily and at slight expense in the sawmills, which several persons have erected.

You will observe that the land, thirty leagues below the Town and for nearly the same distance above it, is of peculiar formation. Throughout nearly the whole country, the bank of a river is the lowest spot; here, on the contrary, it is the highest. From the river to the beginning of the Cypress [Page 211] forests, several arpents behind the settlements, there is a slope of as much as fifteen feet. Do you wish to irrigate your land? Dig a drain to the river, with a dyke at the end of the drain; and in a shod time, it will be covered with water. To work a mill, it is only necessary to have an opening to the river. The water flows through the Cypress forests to the sea. Care must be taken, however, not to abuse this facility anywhere; as the water could not always flow away easily, it would, in the end, inundate the settlements.

At New Orleans there is nothing scarcer than stones; you might give a louis to get one belonging to the country, and you would not find it; bricks made on the spot are substituted for it. Lime is made from shells, which are obtained at a distance of three or four leagues on the shores of lake Pontchartrain. Hills of shells are found there, — a singular thing for that region; they are also found far inland, at a depth of two or three feet below the surface. The following articles are sent down to New Orleans from the upper country and adjacent territories: salt beef, tallow, tar, fur, bear’s grease, and, from the Illinois especially, flour and pork. In‘ this vicinity, and still more toward Mobile, grow in abundance the trees called “ wax-trees,” because means have been found to extract from their seeds a wax, which, if properly prepared, would be almost equal to French wax. If the use of this wax could be introduced into Europe, it would be a very considerable branch of trade for the Colony.[52] You will see, by all these details, that some trade can be carried on at New Orleans. In former years, when eight to ten ships entered the Mississipi, that was considered a great number; this [Page 213] year over forty entered, mostly from Martinique and San Domingo; they came to load cargoes chiefly of timber and bricks, to rebuild the houses destroyed by two fires, which are said to have been caused in those two islands by fire from Heaven.

Ascending the river, one finds French settlements above as well as below New Orleans. The most notable establishment is a small German Colony, ten leagues above it. La Pointe coupée is thirty-five leagues from the German settlement. A palisaded fort has been built there, in which a small garrison is maintained. There are sixty residences, spread over an extent of five or six leagues, along the west bank of the river. Fifty leagues from la pointe toupee are the Natchez. We now have there only a garrison, — which is kept imprisoned, as it were, in a fort, through fear of the Chicachats and other Savage enemies. Formerly there were at that place about sixty dwellings, and a savage Nation of considerable numbers called the Natchez, who were greatly attached to us and rendered us great services. The tyranny which a French Commandant undertook to exercise over them drove them to extremities. One day they killed all the French, excepting a few who sought safety in flight. One of our Fathers, who was descending the Mississipi and was asked to tarry there to say Mass on Sunday, was included in the massacre. Since that time the blow has been avenged by the almost total destruction of the Natchez Nation; only a few remain scattered among the Chicachats and Chéraquis, where they live precariously and almost as slaves.

At la Pointe coupée, and still more at Natchez, excellent tobacco is grown. If, instead of obtaining [Page 215] from strangers the tobacco that is consumed in France, we obtained it here, we would get a better quality, and save the money that goes out of the Kingdom for that product; and the colony would be settled.

One hundred leagues above the Natchez are the Akansas, a savage Nation of about four hundred warriors. We have near them a fort with a garrison, where the convoys ascending to the Illinois stop to rest.[53] There were some settlers there but in the month of May, 1748, the Chicachats, our irreconcilable foes, aided by some other barbarians, suddenly attacked the post; they killed several persons, and carried off thirteen into captivity. The rest escaped into the fort, in which there were at the time only a dozen soldiers. They made an attempt to attack it, but no sooner had they lost two of their people than they retreated. Their Drummer was a French deserter from the Akansas garrison itself.

The distance from the Akansas to the Illinois is estimated at nearly one hundred and fifty leagues. Throughout all that extent of country, not a single hamlet exists. Nevertheless, in order to secure our possession of it, it would be very advisable that we should have a good fort on the Ouabache, the only place by which the English can enter into the Mississipi.

The Illinois are on the parallel of 38 degrees 15 minutes of latitude. The climate, which is very different from that of New Orleans, is almost similar to that of France; the great heats make themselves felt there a little earlier and more intensely; but they are neither so constant nor so lasting. The severe cold comes later. In winter, when the [Page 217] North wind blows, ice forms on the Mississipi sufficiently thick to bear the heaviest carts; but such cold weather does not last long. The winter here is an alternation of severe cold and quite mild weather, according as the winds blow from the North or from the South; and they succeed each other with fair regularity. This alternation is very injurious to the fruit-trees. The weather may be very mild, a little warm even, as early as mid-February; the sap ascends in the trees, which become covered with blossoms; then a wind from the North springs up, and destroys the brightest hopes.

The soil is fertile, and vegetables of all kinds would grow in it almost as well as in France, if they were cultivated with care. Nevertheless wheat, as a rule, yields only from five to eightfold; but it must be observed that the lands are tilled in a very careless manner, and that they have never been manured during the thirty years while they have been cultivated. This poor success in growing wheat is due still more to the heavy fogs and too sudden heats. But, on the other hand, maize — which in France is called Turkish corn — grows marvelously; it yields more than a thousandfold; it is the food of domestic cattle, of the slaves, and of most of the natives of the country, who eat it as a treat. The country produces three times as much food as can be consumed in it. Nowhere is game more abundant; from mid-October to the end of March the people live almost entirely on game, especially on the wild ox and deer.

The horned cattle have multiplied exceedingly; most of them cost nothing, either for care or for food. The working animals graze on a vast common [Page 219] around the village; others, in much larger numbers, which are intended for breeding, are shut up throughout the year on a peninsula over ten leagues in extent, formed by the Mississipi and the river of the Tamarouas. These animals, which are seldom approached, have become almost wild, and artifice must be employed in order to catch them. If a habitant needs a pair of oxen, he goes to the peninsula. When he sees a bull large enough to be trained, he throws a handful of salt to him, and stretches out a long rope with a noose at the end; then he lies down. The animal which is eager for salt, draws near; as soon as its foot is in the noose the man on the watch pulls the rope, and the bull is captured. The same is done for horses, calves, and colts; this is all that it costs to get a pair of oxen or of horses. Moreover, these animals are not subject to any diseases; they live a long time, and, as a rule, die only of old age.

In this part of Louisiana there are five French and three Illinois villages within a distance of twenty- two leagues; they are situated upon a long prairie bounded on the East by a chain of mountains and the river of the Tamarouas, and on the West by the Mississipi. The five French villages contain in all about one hundred and forty families. The three villages of Savages may furnish three hundred men capable of bearing arms. There are several salt- springs in this country, one of which, two leagues from here, supplies all the salt consumed in the surrounding country, and in many posts which are dependencies of Canada. There are mines without number, but as no one is in a position to incur the expense necessary for opening and working them, [Page 221] they remain in their original condition. Certain individuals content themselves with obtaining lead from some of these, because it lies almost at the surface of the ground. They supply this country, all the Savage Nations of the Missouri and Mississipi, and several posts of Canada.[54] Two men who are here, a Spaniard and a Portuguese, who claim to know something about mines and minerals, assert that these mines in no wise differ from those of Mexico and Peru; and that, if slightly deeper excavations were made, silver ore would be found under the lead ore. This much is certain: that the lead is very fine, and that a little silver is obtained from it. Borax has also been found in these mines, and in some places gold, but in very small quantities. Beyond a doubt, there are copper mines; because, from time to time, very large pieces of it are found in the streams.

There is not, in all America, any special Officer who has such a province as has he who commands for the King among the Illinois. On the North and Northwest, the extent is unlimited; it spreads through the vast country watered by the Missouri and the rivers that fall into it, — the finest country in the world. How many Savage Nations in these immense regions offer themselves to the Missionaries’ zeal! They belong to the district of the Gentlemen of the Missions étrangères, to whom Monseigneur the Bishop of Quebec allotted them many years ago. There are three of these Gentlemen here, who have charge of two French Cures. Nothing can be more amiable than their character, or more edifying than their conduct. We live with them as if we were members of the same body. [Page 223]

Among the Nations of the Missouri are some who seem to be specially disposed to receive the Gospel: as, for instance, the Panismahas.[55] One of the Gentlemen of whom I have just spoken wrote one day to a Frenchman who traded among the Savages, and asked him in his letter to baptize dying children. When the chief of the village perceived the letter, he said to the Frenchman: “What is the news?” “There is none,” replied the latter. “How,” retorted the Savage, “because our color is red, can we not know the news?” “It is the black Chief,” replied the Frenchman, “who writes, recommending me to baptize dying children, in order to send them to the great Spirit.” The Savage chief, thoroughly satisfied, said to him: “Be not anxious; I myself undertake to notify thee whenever a child is in danger of death.” He gathered his people together and said to them: “What think ye of this black Chief?” (for that is the name which they give to the Missionaries.) “We have never seen him; we have never done him any good; he dwells far from us, beyond the sun. And yet he thinks of our village; he desires to do good to us; and, when our children die, he wishes to send them to the great Spirit. This black Chief must be very good.”

Some traders who came from his village have mentioned to me instances which prove that, savage as he is, he none the less possesses intelligence and good sense. At the death of his predecessor all the suffrages of his Nation were in his favor. At first, he excused himself from accepting the position of Chief; but at last, on being compelled to acquiesce, he said to them: “ You desire then that I should be [Page 225] your Chief; I consent, but you must bear in mind that I wish to be your Chief in reality, and that I must be faithfully obeyed in that capacity. Hitherto the widows and orphans have been left destitute. I intend that in future their wants shall be provided for; and, in order that they may not be forgotten, I desire and intend that they be the first to get their share. ” Accordingly, he gave orders to his Escapia — who is, as it were, his Steward — to set aside, whenever a hunt should take place, a quantity of meat sufficient for the widows and orphans. These people have as yet but very few guns. They hunt on horseback with arrows and spears; they surround a herd of cattle, and but few escape them. When the animals fall to the ground, the Chief’s Escapia touches a certain number of them with his hand; these are the share of the widows and orphans, and no one else can take any portion of them. One of the hunters, — through inadvertence, no doubt, — having begun to cut a piece from one of these, the Chief killed him on the spot with a shot from his gun. This Chief receives the French with great distinction; he makes them eat with him alone, or with the chief of another Nation, if such happen to be present. He honors with the title of “ sun ” the most wretched Frenchman who may happen to be in his village; and he says, therefore, that the sky is always serene while the Frenchman sojourns there. Only a month ago he came to pay his respects to our commandant. I proceeded to fort de Chartres,[56] six leagues from here, for the express purpose of seeing him. He is a thoroughly fine man. He was polite to me, in his own fashion; and invited me to go to give his people sense, — that is, to instruct [Page 227] them. According to the reports of the Frenchmen who have been there, his village can furnish nine hundred men capable of bearing arms.

For the rest, this country is of far greater importance than is imagined. Through its position alone, it deserves that France should spare nothing to retain it. It is true that it has not yet enriched the King’s coffers, and that convoys to and fro are costly; but it is none the less true that the tranquillity of Canada and the safety of the entire lower part of the Colony depend upon it. Assuredly, without this post there can be no communication by land between Louisiana and Canada. There is another consideration: several regions of the same Canada and all those on the lower part of the river would be deprived of the provisions they obtain from the Illinois, which are often a great resource to them. By founding a solid establishment here, prepared to meet all these troubles, the King would secure the possession of the most extensive and the finest country in north America. To be convinced of this one has but to glance at the well-known map of Louisiana, and to consider the situation of the Illinois country and the multitude of Nations against whom the post usually serves as a barrier. In union with your holy sacrifices, I remain, etc. [Page 229]


Documents of 1710-56

CCXXlII. — Extraits du Journal des Jésuites de l’an 1710 à 1755

CCXXIV. — Mission des Hurons du Detroit, 1733-56. Par Armand de la Richardie, et Pierre Potier


Sources: For Doc. CCXXIII. we have recourse to L’Abeille, vol. xi., pp. 41-43. In publishing Doc. CCXXIV., we follow the original MS. in the possession of Theodore Parsons Hall, of Detroit. Not quite half of the document is here given; the rest will appear in our Vol. LXX. In a few cases, the edge of the original MS. is worn and broken; our emendations for letters and words thus lost appear in brackets. Illegible letters or words are indicated by leaders in brackets, thus: [ . . ]. Words in Italics are those which had been deleted by Potier himself. Where he has crossed off items recording debits or credits, apparently canceling these, we have indicated this by the Greek theta in brackets: [θ] [Page 231]

Extracts from the Journal of the Jesuits from the

year 1710 to 1755.


priland May, 1710. There was a malignant fever, and of the purple kind, that was very general both in Quebec and in the surrounding country, that carried off a vast number of persons.

20 Dec., 1710. Mr. Livingston and the Baron de St. Castin arrived at Quebec with an acct. of the reduction of Port Royal, and the articles of capitulation signed by Mr. Subercase and Nicholson, the English commander. — The easy surrender (reduction) was owing to a misunderstanding between Mr. de Subercase, his garrison, and the inhabitants. Livingston remained here a month, was lodged at the Chateau, and received every politeness and attention possible from the Governor. On his return to Boston, two officers were sent with him as attendants. — The reduction of Port Royal has so much elated Nicholson that he went to England to state to Quebec [sc. the Queen? — ed. of L’Abeille] the necessity of reducing the French in Canada.[57]

November, 1719. The beginning of this month, after the departure of the vessels, the card money which had been until this time in circulation, the money of this country, was no longer in circulation, and French money was again adopted.[58]

May, 1720. Mr. de Léry, the Engineer, commenced the present fortifications of Quebec, for the third time, according to his new plan approved by [Page 233] the court of France. The fortifications that had been begun by Messrs. Le Vasseur and Beaucourt were not continued because they had no ditch.[59]

August 7. St. Valier the Bishop purchased of the Jesuits the ground of de la Durantaye for 20,000 francs, for the nuns of the General Hospital, of which he is considered the founder.

The portrait of Louis XV. was sent this year to the college as a present to them.

Le Père Charlevoix arrived from France by order of the court, to collect informations for the discovery of the mer d’Occidt [Western sea]; he is to return by Mobile.[60]

1721. The winter was very mild this year.

Juin. 108 homes were burnt in 4 hours time. The fire began at the Hotel Dieu; the wadding of a gun occasioned it.

September, 1725. Accounts were received, by a small vessel from Cape Breton, of the loss of the King’s ship, Le Chameau [“the Camel”], and all her crew, consisting of 250 men, near that island. Among the passengers coming over were Mr. de Chazel, the new Intendant, and three Jesuits.

October st.[61] At ½ past 8 o’clock this morning died the Marquis de Vaudreuil, having governed the country very wisely and happily during 20 years, after 5 months of indisposition.

* December 25. The Palace [it must be the Intendant’s — note by W. H. Smith] — which was burned 13 years ago, and rebuilt by the care of Monsieur Begon — has burned a second time. The fire caught from a stove in the room of Monsieur d’Aigremont, commissary, at 7 o’clock in the evening. 16 October, 1726. Mr. Begon, the Intendant (that is [Page 235] to say, the late Intendant), and his wife and family embarked for France, much regretted by the whole colony.

Le Marquis de Beauharnois and the Intendant, Mr. du Puy, paid a visit to the Jesuits.

11 May, 1749. Mr. de Pontbriand, bishop of Quebec,[62] consecrated the church of the Recollets. There was a discharge of cannon during mass, and 21 guns fired at the salut.

May, 1750, Le Père Tournois was displaced by Mr. de la Jonquière, the Governor General, from his situation as a priest at the Sault. This was done without consulting either the Bishop or the Superior of the Jesuits. They both complained. The Bishop wrote to the Governor on the subject, but to no purpose. The Governor first decided that Mr. de la Bretonnière should be sent to replace him, but afterward ordered Père Hoquet, who went there.[63]

*June 1st, 1750. Monsieur de la Ville Angevin — an official in the cathedral, being theological lecturer and canon thereof — was banished from the Bishopric by Monsieur de Pontbriand, Bishop of Quebec. When he sought shelter in our house, the Bishop made objections; but all our fathers demanded that he be admitted, and threatened that, if this were refused, they would write about the matter to Paris and Rome. He was, in consequence, received; but the Bishop bears us ill-will for this.

October, 1750. King’s ship, l’Orignal [“the Moose”], built at Quebec, was lost in launching at Cap Diamant.[64]

1755. The Nuns of the Hotel-Dieu, burnt out on the 7th of June, occupied the corps de logis of the college, where our scholars were formerly. [Page 237]

[The following entry in the front of the Book out of which these extracts are taken:

* “Continuation of the preceding Registers, in which each of the Rectors of this College has noted the important events occurring in this country during his term as Superior — except Reverend Father Vincent Bigot, who wrote therein nothing during his entire term of six years. Reverend Father Bouvart, whose immediate successor he was, is therefore the last who wrote in the preceding book, a volume bound in Red; and we begin writing in this book, which has a Parchment cover, on the 10th day of September, 1710.”] [Page 239]

Mission of the Hurons at Detroit, 1733-56.



nthe 16th of july, 1733, Father La Richardie, Missionary of The Society of jesus, and jean Cecile entered into The following covenant:

1st.                      The said cecile, Toolmaker and armorer, binds himself to work constantly and assiduously at The forge of the said Reverend father at detroit, in The huron village, for all The needs of the french and of the savages, in all matters connected with his trade.

2nd.                  The Reverend father will supply The tools and the steel; if any deficiency of tools shall occur, The said cecile shall make Them, and they shall remain in The forge when he leaves it.

3rd.                    The said Cecile shall not do any work to be sold on his private account under the pretext that he has iron or steel of his own; but if he earn or purchase any at detroit, and The forge lack the same, The Reverend father may buy The steel; as regards the iron, it shall be purchased on joint account for The said Reverend Father and The said Cecile.

4th.                    The said Reverend Father will give the assistance of his servant, when he has one, to The said Cecile, for chopping wood and building his charcoal furnaces; but when these are once erected, The said cecile shall attend to Them alone.

5th.                    The said cecile shall perform gratuitously, and in good season, The work that may be needed by The Reverend Father, either for Himself or for [Page 241] his house, church, etc., — such as hatchets, hinges, etc.; and, if The said Cecile shall do Any work for His own personal use, he shall neither sell nor give away the Same.

6th.                    All The provisions received by The said Cecile in payment, such as fat, tallow, meat, indian corn, etc., shall be divided equally between him and The Reverend father; or else be sold, if necessary, for the benefit of both.

7th.                    All The profits derived from the work of the said cecile shall be divided between The said reverend father and Him.

8th.                    When The said cecile shall not be occupied in The forge, he shall assist The Reverend father in all The work that he may have to do, in The present condition of his establishment.

9th.                    Although The said cecile engagés himself for 6 years, he may, for valid reasons, leave before the expiration of that term; and in such case he shall notify The Reverend father in good time, so that the latter may find some one to replace him. In the same manner, should the Reverend father not be satisfied with him, he may dismiss Him after having notified Him some time beforehand.

10th.               As The said cecile will not Lodge with The Reverend father, as his predecessors have done, he shall build himself a Suitable. house near The forge, and The Reverend father’s engagé shall assist Him in Building the Same. And, as regards firewood for the said cecile, the latter shall chop It during The winter, and The said Reverend father consents that The cost of cartage shall be paid for by work which The said cecile shall do for the Teamsters in payment thereof. [Page 243]

Thus agreed, accepted, and undertaken by both parties at detroit, on The day and in the year above written.

De La Richardie, jesuit Missionary.

Cuillerier,[65] Witness, +.



θ means “canceled;” *, “not canceled;” +, “is to pay,”

All payments for The post of detroit are made.

I have paid all.


eliveredto Charles courtois wheat, wine, etc., for The sum of 294 livres 15 sols, which he is to pay me in the month of may, 1741.

Prisque has reëngaged to serve me for one more year, — that is to say, until the convoy of 1741 comes, — for The sum of 160 livres in peltries, a shirt, and a pair of mitasses. During the current year there is paid: paid to the same 7 livres 10 sols; also 7 livres 10 sols; also 20 livres; also 7 livres 10 sols; also 30 livres 5 sols; paid in full.

Paid to the man named Roy[66] 40 livres, for 2 arpents of cleared land. Item, to one du chene 40 livres, for 2 other arpents of cleared land.

Advanced to Roy for clearing my land, at 20 livres, An arpent, 2 minots of grain, — One of french wheat, and The other of indian corn; also a minot and a half of indian corn; also 7 livres of tallow, at 10 sols a livre; finally, 50 livres of flour, 18 livres; also half a minot of wheat, 5 livres.

35 minots of wheat sold by sieur jacques Campeau, for which he has received payment at 10 livres a [Page 245] minot. 2 casks of wine sold to the same, at 35 Livres A cask.

Madame Campeau paid for me 32 Livres to d’agneaux, 20 livres 5 sols to Navarre, 18 livres to Madame baroy, and 14 livres to madame louïson.[67]

Ego hodie [I myself to-day]: 2 pots of brandy — one 3 livres, The other 3 livres 10 sols; also 4 minots of indian corn at 18 livres A minot; received, in all, 163 livres 15 sols. The same received for me from one destaillis The sum of 26 livres, which he owes me; also 110 livres which The same sieur Campeau owes me; for value received he owes me 381 livres.

To-day, august 8, 1741, Pierre rencontre, a native of La prairie de La magdelaine, has engaged himself to me to serve me for a year, in consideration of The sum of 150 livres, which I am to pay Him in peltries at detroit prices. Of this I advanced Him The amount of 44 livres; also 20 livres. Done at detroit this 8th of august, 1741. Signed: La Richardie, jesuit. The said Pierre rencontre, not knowing how to write, has made his mark with a cross. He left me on the 27th of September, 1741, being indebted to me to The amount of 34 livres.

Of all the above, with what has been added, sieur jacque Campeau is to pay me in the month of may next, 1742, in peltries at detroit prices, The sum of [blank space in MS.], for value received.

Sold a gun to Sieur chauvin.

Lent to the [Huron] elders 4 great branches of porcelain beads, half black, half white.

I have been paid by rencontre; prisque is to pay me for him.

Delivered to thomas Le troche one, etc.

Delivered to jacques Campeau one, etc. [Page 247]

Paid, to goyau[68] on my works The sum of 12 livres; also, to the same, 6 livres; also 3 livres; also 3 livres; also 3 livres in tobacco; also 5 drinks of brandy; also a minot of pease 12 livres.

I have paid goyau for all The work that he has done for me, this 8th of june, 1742.

I have received from Charles Courtois all that he owed me, this 8th of june, 1742.

I have lent to jean Cecile my blacksmith, The sum of 100 livres, which he is to repay me in the month of may, 1743.

I have received from jacques Campeau all that he owed, this 10th of june, 1742, — except 100 livres for masses that he has asked me to say.[69]

I have lent to sieur chapoton, surgeon of this fort,[70] The sum of 100 livres in raccoon and lynx-skins, which he is to repay me in the month of may, 1743, in similar peltries. At detroit, this 13th of june, 1742.

Courtois owes me 60 livres.

Madame La foret owes me 31 Castors [beaver-skins], the balance of what I sold to her last year.

Ta,echiaten borrowed from me about 15 castors’ worth of porcelain beads, both black and white; he is to repay The same to me in kind, or in peltries.

Charles courtois owes me The sum of 40 livres.

Sieur bondi[71] owes me The sum of 60 Livres 10 sols.

I owe Pierre valet a comb, 20 sols; also 2 dry hides.

Destaillis owes me for 4 masses.

I owe françois Campeau 500 large nails, at 45 sols A hundred. I owe the same 800 shingle-nails, at 10 sols a hundred; also 200 shingle-nails, at 20 sols A hundred; also 4 livres of powder, 6 livres; and 300 large and 100 medium-sized nails, [Page 249] 20 masses said for Reverend Father bon.

Saguïn owes me for 10 Masses; caron, 2; Malet, 1; françois, 2.

I owe meloche, for all The buildings that he has erected and is to erect for me, 3,100 Livres.[72]

I owe janis, for The masonry of the said buildings, The sum of 600 livres; also, to the same, 10 livres, for The farmer’s house and The stable; also, to the same, 100 livres for minor repairs, and for what he has done for The blacksmith. The latter item is to be paid only in 1744. Also 30 livres for The partitions, on which I have paid him 48 livres in wheat; also paid to the same, 160 livres; also 100 livres, which he accepts out of what Cecile owes me; also 227 livres. The 635 livres are paid; thus I owe nothing more to janis for The church and The house. I still owe him, for The farmer’s house and other works, The sum of 200 livres, less 21 livres 15 sols; The said sum is paid.

Gave L’esperance on his wages 100 livres; and I still owe him 34 livres 10 sols. I owe prisque 56. I have finished paying L'esperance.

Paid meloche for my buildings 985 livres, which he took from cuillerier who owed them to me; 4 livres from valet, who owed them to me; 101 livres in raccoon-skins, which I gave him, — the total amount given to him is 1,090 livres. The same received from Caron to my acquittance The sum of 300 livres; total, 1,390 livres; from binau, for my land, 1,900 livres. The said meloche is paid in full for all I owed him, except 90 livres which Mini or binau will pay Him next year, 1744, as The said meloche has accepted The same; also to the same 10 masses, which he asked me to say for saguin. [Page 251]

This mission owes nothing else, except for The conveyance of the provisions which sieur de couagne sent me this year, 1743.

I lent St. Martin[73] The 161 livres coming to me from his work in the forge for Le roy, which sum is to be paid in Montreal.

On this day, the 2nd of july, 1743, Sieur jean baptiste goyau, a habitant at the post of detroit, agreed to come here with his family in The course of the month of September of the same year; to take charge of The farm belonging to the mission of the Fathers of The society of jesus, on the following conditions:

1st.                      The said fathers lease The said farm to the said goyau for The term of 6 years; but should he not be satisfied with the Reverend Fathers, or The Reverend Fathers with him, either party shall be Free to terminate the engagement by giving notice to the other, one year in advance.

2nd.                  The said Reverend Fathers shall supply the said goyau with seed for all The grain that he will sow on Their farm; and they shall share with Him, in equal portions, the produce of such seed; and the said goyau shall not be at Liberty to sow, for Himself or His family, anything on the said farm without sharing The produce with them, except as regards such indian corn as he may wish to plant for his own use. And, in order that the Reverend fathers may not lack corn, he shall every year Plow 2 arpents of land, on which they may Plant some for their sole use.

3rd.                    An inventory shall be made of all the implements and of cart and Plow harness, which The said Reverend Fathers shall Hand over to the said goyau, [Page 253] in order that he may return Them in the same state and condition as that in which he took Them.

4th.                    As regards the animals, he shall be bound to give back at The end of his lease The same number, and in the same condition, as he received, or may Hereafter receive, together with one-half the produce of such animals.

5th.                    He shall make a suitable enclosure for keeping and pasturing the said animals, and shall carefully keep in order The fences on the land handed over to Him, Which he shall Leave in good condition at The end of his lease.

6th.                    The said Reverend Fathers consent that The said goyau may use Their animals for carting and Plowing, both for the french and for the savages; The whole on condition that he shall haul 40 Cords of wood for Them Every winter, for Their fuel and for Their share of Their blacksmith’s furnaces; and The said goyau shall also be obliged to lend The animals to the said Reverend Fathers for hauling or carting, whenever they need the same.

I Delivered to goyau on his entering upon the farm of île aux bois blancs: 6 minots and a half of Pease, for seed; 5 minots of oats for the same purpose, and 14 minots and a half of wheat, for seed, — Which seed he shall return when he leaves The farm. I also Gave him a Plow complete, with its wheels, quite new; a cart, with almost new Wheels; a new sled; 2 illinois oxen, with a cow of the same breed; 2 mares worth 80 livres each, — The whole costing 400 livres. Also 2 cows bred in the country and a yearling heifer.

To replace The 3 cows that died or were killed [Page 255] while in goyau’s hands, I Gave him 2 illinois heifers, — one of which cost me 40 livres, and The other 75. I also Gave him an illinois heifer, which I exchanged for a cow that had not calved that year.

Madame goyau began to do the laundry-work and baking for this mission, on St. michael’s day, 1743, for The sum of 100 livres per annum.

Madame goyau has received a shirt, 3 livres 10 sols; a quart of brandy, 3 livres; a Quart of brandy, 3 livres; a Quart of brandy, 3 livres; a pair of mitasses, made of molleton; a pair of mitasses made of molleton; a Quart of brandy; 2 minots of Pease, 18 livres; 6 blankets, 54 livres; a pair of mitasses, 3 livres. Madame goyau is paid in full for The 1st year.

Lent mallet 3 quarts of brandy; 3 livres of powder; 5 livres of shot; 1 blue blanket; 3 large shirts; 3 small shirts (Father degonor).

Received from Mallet 6 deer; 16 turkeys; 6 bustards; 1 swan; 8 ducks; 1 bear’s ham; 5 or 6 partridges; 2 small beavers, etc. (Father degonor).



Gave goyau’s Wife, on The 100 livres: 45 livres in deerskins; 40 livres less 5 sols in castors; 4 livres of powder, 10 livres. Madame goyau is paid in full for The 2nd year.



Meloche supplied and used 300 boards for roofing my house and my church, at 45 livres a hundred, all being used; for these he has received 90 livres, this 10th of july, 1744. I lent to the same meloche 400 [Page 257] large and 200 medium-sized nails, which he will return when I require them. I had The sum of 128 livres Paid to Him by Monsieur St. Pierre, on account of The supply and use of the boards that he has furnished and used, and which he is to supply and use, until my house and church are completely roofed.

I gave goyau an advance of 45 livres on the washing and baking for The year 1745.

I let Charles courtois have 40 livres’ worth of Pork, and 40 livres’ worth of brandy. The same owes me The money for 4 livres of hide, which caron Delivered to Him for me; also The money for 2 masses, which françois campeau asked me to say; also 500 livres; also 3 livres.

Phili owes me 4 livres for masses; janis, 10 masses; gambille, 2 masses.

Caron owes me The money for 2 castors’ worth of porcelain beads, which he sold for 7 livres. I sold to Monsieur de Longueuil[74] for Le Roy 500 black porcelain beads, which he is to repay me here in small furs.

Father bon asked me to say 30 masses.

I owe a service to anne’s daughter for The spring.

10 Masses for janis; 12 for La fleur, his partner; 6 for Madame Chapoton.

Furnished to L’esperance, my engagé a pair of mitasses made of molleton, on account of his wages; furnished to the same a pair of mitasses, on account of his wages; paid the same 142 livres, out of what charles courtois owed me.

The 9th of february: 12 Masses begun: 6 for chapoton, 3 for belle-perche’s Wife; 3 for St. din’s wife

I paid caron 120 livres, which he had advanced to [Page 259] antoine mallet for The house he sold me. Also paid to the same 60 livres, which he had paid for me to the two frenchmen who brought Father Potier from niagara.

Sent 46 branches of porcelain to caron.

Madame L’œil eraillé, a cloak, 3; glass beads, 4 c j; rouge (vermilion), 4 c; slippers, 6; shirts, 4; Le roy 55.

I paid janis 75 livres for The 2 stone chimneys which he made for me. For The remainder of his payment I gave him orders on Father bon, who owes me 50 livres; and on Monsieur de Longueuil, who owes me 25 livres.

Through L’esperance I loaned to baptiste piponnette 21 livres of deerskins, which are to be returned to Him in small skins. I lent a bearskin to the same piponnet.

On the 21st of September, I began 18 masses.

Janis owes me 35 livres, for a blanket that I sold him.

Gave goyau 8 livres for washing and baking from The year 1745, beginning on St. michael’s day, and ending on the same date in 1746; |8 livres.|

Gave L’esperance 61 livres 10 sols On his wages for 1746.

I sent to sieur René de couagne, merchant, at Montreal, on this 20th day of july, 600 raccoon-skins: 300 by Sieur bondi, and 300 by Sieur Moizon; also 57 otter, and 17 lynx or foxskins by One detaillis, Monsieur charly’s canoeman. The 5 packages are covered with 9 large Castors and a rare deerskin; The Castors weigh 17 livres. This 16th of august, 1745.

Madame Marsac asked me to say 30 masses; destaillis, 4; belleperche, 3; Madame godet, 10. [Page 261]

Cecile made me a mattock; Madame St. martin supplied to me the iron for it, which is worth 5 livres.

Gave Madame St. martin 4 dozen, less 2, of Siamese knives, with 2 dozen of woodcutter’s knives, to sell.

I gave to gambille’s wife 40 branches of porcelain, to sell for me, and 20 to caron. I also gave gambille’s Wife, to sell, 3 large cloth blankets, one of which is trimmed and half scarlet; also, to the same, 8 pairs of mitasses; also, to the same, 8 Pairs of mitasses, 13 shirts, large, medium-sized, and small; finally, to the same, 7 half-livres of vermilion.

I owe caron 9 livres, for tobacco for brother La tour; also, to the same, 4 livres for turnips. He owes me 11 masses and 5 livres; also 3 Masses to Caron.

9 masses for Madame gaudet.

Caron owes 127 livres 10 sols to this mission, 15 livres to be deducted. He also owes for 3 women’s chemises; 2 women’s chemises; a quarter of a livre of vermilion, glass beads, a child’s chemise. Courtois also owes It 42 livres. Received from the same 9 livres, to be deducted from The 42. I have lent the same one Livre of vermilion.

Ta‘echiaten still owes on The house 36 castors; he paid 74.

I have paid Madame goyau in full for my washing and baking up to St. michael’s day, 1746.

L’esperance is paid in full for wages to the feast of Our Lady in august, 1746, taking 42 livres that gambille’s Wife owes me.

I have received from Madame St. Martin, on behalf of Charles courtois, 44 livres out of the 144 which he owed me for 18 minots of wheat. The said courtois has still 100 livres to pay, besides the 42 he has to pay to L’esperance. Madame St. martin has undertaken [Page 263] to pay The 100 livres that courtois owes to this mission.

Caron owes this mission 100 pistoles for The house and land which it owned in The old village,[75] payable in the month of May, 1747.      [+]

Goyau owes 80 livres to The mission for a cow belonging to The farm, with which Monsieur The commandant gave a feast to the savages.      [+]

End of Father de La Richardie’s accounts.





I owe 24 livres 10 sols to thomas courtois for a saw and 2 axes.   [θ]

I owe 40 sols to jacques godet for 200 tacks.   [θ]

I owe 30 sols to chene for 100 shingle-nails.   [θ]

Father bon owes me 20 sols, out of 25 livres 10 sols that he had received from caron to pay hyacinthe Reaume.[76]     [θ]

Caron owes me 30 sols, for porcelain that he sold for me; item, 500 nails — 400 large, and 100 small.

I owe 12 livres to dubois for a pair of shoes.    [θ]

I owe 12 livres to mallet for a pair of shoes.     [θ]

I owe 12 francs to Claude Campeau, for grinding 6 minots of wheat.    [θ]

I owe 60 nails to Father bon.        [θ]

Gervais owes me 13 livres 10 sols, for 6 minots of oats, at 45 sols A minot.    [θ]


The brother proclaims everywhere that he is to be The master. Church of stone, of The same width as [Page 265] The old one, but 16 feet longer; * a frame Sacristy, 15 feet square. * 100 Pistoles to Meoche, to lengthen The barn 20 feet. * New refectory, and domestics’ room beside the old refectory. * Enlarge The kitchen, by taking a Portion of the former refectory. *The lumber from The church will be used for enlarging The barn, refectory, etc. * 100 pistoles to meloche, for The framework of The church, refectory, etc. * 12 francs to janis per toise (The toise is 6 feet square), on condition that The mortar shall be well made (read La maison rustique, belonging to Father bon), * 20 sols to janis, per foot, for the cut stone required (he asks 30). * A belfry like that of the fort. * [blank space in MS].

The forge. 1st. The mission supplies all The steel; one-half The iron; and small wire. We are obliged to provide one-half the firewood for the furnace (6 cords); to build and pull It down (and not to watch it). The blacksmith is obliged to do all the blacksmith’s work needed by The residence. The house shares with The blacksmith everything derived from the forge. (Nota: The mission provides all the iron for the mission.) *The house, fields, etc., shall belong to the mission.

The farm. 1st. Everything that grows on our farm is shared equally with The farmer. The produce of the animals is also shared equally — as for the work of the animals, he is to lend us those we may need, except that he Himself has to haul 40 cords of wood for us. (Whoever shall become farmer shall have to haul 50;) (in addition, he who shall become farmer shall be obliged to give the mission 200 Livres of bear’s grease and tallow.) When the present farmer came, he was given 5 cows [Page 267] and one Heifer, a pair of ilinois oxen, with 2 mares. In consideration of 100 francs paid to Him, he is obliged to bake for us and wash our linen. The mission supplied Him with a Complete plow, with its iron fixtures, an old cart with new wheels, and Collars and harness. He is to give back Everything complete when he leaves. Of 45 hens given Him, he is to give back 45 fowl good to eat, and 45 dozen of eggs. *The farmer must keep the field fenced in, and on his departure leave It in the same order as that in which he found it. Of the 1st 6 cows given him, one was eaten by takiet’s dogs, which cost 60 Livres, paid for in raccoon-skins, of Which 45 livres were paid in Deerskins. A heifer perished on The island, by falling from the rocks; the 3rd died of sickness; a 4th was sold, and exchanged for the ilinois cow La blanche. The other young ilinois cows were bought and paid for by the mission — One cost 75 livres, and The other 40. The cow called La Commandante was sold for 88 Livres by goio [Goyau] to Monsieur The Commandant. The said goio has to replace her; she cost The mission 100 Livres.


Goio received a note for 90 livres, payable at Monreal, for La Commandante. There remains to be paid Him one pistole for washing and baking.

Major and dos blanc [“white back”] belong to us altogether. La noire also belongs to us. He had La blanche at a years; she had not calved that year. La deruisseau and La niagara were given as original stock, at the age of 5 weeks. 2 calves to be shared; Maurice and taupin, draught-oxen, to be shared; 2 head of young cattle to be shared. *Souris [Page 269] [“Mouse”], the mare, belongs to us; berlingan and The filly are to be shared. *45 hens originally given, to be returned.

* With gaudet and gervais: 20 fowl. 3 kettles, — 2 large and one of medium size; 6 earthen plates, 3 cups, a sugar-bowl, 8 or 10 bottles, 5 preserve jars, and 2 pewter jugs. 2 large pewter basins, 1 pewter salt-cellar, and a coffee-Mill. *16 minots, of which 6 are in bags, and washed, and 10 in heaps; *6 minots at the mill; *and 13 minots at gervais’s house. *The indian corn is to be shared with L’esperance, after I have taken 8 bunches which come from the garden. We have returned Him 15 minots that he had lent to us.

*At Monsieur de Longueuil’s: a clock, a bell, panes of glass, a war-club, and a paddle.

Paid to, etc.

16 francs to Cecile for grinding corn.

16 francs to Claude campeau for grinding corn.

[ . . ]g francs to dubois for a pair of shoes; resoling and mending a pair of slippers.

[ . . ] livres 5 sols over, belonging to courtois; and

12 livres that he will pay to desermons.

40 sols to goudet, for 200 tacks.

30 sols to chêne, for 100 shingle-nails.

4 francs to pilette’s wife, for grinding.

[ . . ]2 écus to janis, for boards.

1 écu to parent for carting indian corn from The waterside to the poultry-yard.

[ , . ] 2 écus to courville, for 2 deerskins Delivered to the brother. *Paid by Father bon.

[ . . ] livres 4 sols to St. Sauveur, for bolting 14 minots of flour, at 4 sols a minot. [Page 271]

[1]8 francs to hyacinthe Reaume — 14 for clap-boarding the poultry-house, and 4 for I know not what lumber that he says he lent to complete The poultry-house, etc.

[ . . ] 0 francs to carignan, for a pot of wine.

Total, 119 livres 10 sols.

Received from, etc.

Gervais, 13 livres 10 sols, for 6 Minots of oats, at 45 sols A minot.

11 francs from gervais’s Wife, for 11 masses (dedi [“I have given them”]).

6 francs from champagne, for 6 masses.

10 francs from janis, for 10 Masses (dedi).

5 francs from gaudet’s Wife, for 5 masses (dedi).

16 francs from beaubien,[77] for 16 masses.

3 francs from belle perche’s Wife, for 3 masses,

1 franc from Campeau’s wife, for one mass.,

Total, 65 francs.

I owe:

74 Livres and a half of flour, lent by cuillerier.

10 Livres of flour, lent by Caron’s Wife.

50 Livres of flour, to courtois, and The making of biscuits.

80 Roofing-nails, to father bon.

2 livres 2 sols to caron’s wife, for 62 brasses of deerskin thongs.

3 livres 6 sols and a half to pillette for 9 livres and a half of beef. Paid to bino [Bineau], fils.

2 small flasks of brandy, borrowed from Captain Campeau, about The 6th of july. He sold it at 12 francs A pot.

2 small flasks of brandy, borrowed from campeau on The 17th of july. [Page 273]

148 livres 10 sols to L’esperance (to be paid by caroa’s Wife).

10 Livres, or one pistole, to goyau, for washing and baking.

For bolting 6 minots.

3 livres 15 sols to deslille for half a quarter of veal (july 22, 1747). Father bon paid it.

3 flasks of brandy, borrowed from Monsieur The commandant.

bolting of 2 minots.

12 francs to dubois, for a pair of shoes.

83 Livres of flour; borrowed from Father bon for the feast of Mary.

bolting of 2 minots.

[ . . ] Livres of meat, from [to] delile’s Wife, at 7 sols.

[ . . J Livres of pepper, to Father bon, 5 livres.

There is due to we:

Caron’s wife, 100 pistoles for The purchase of a farm, etc.

Caron’s wife, 30 sols for porcelain beads sold.

Caron’s wife, 500 nails — 400 large, and 100 small.

Goiau, 135 livres, for 27 minots of wheat, at 100 sols.

St. Martin’s wife, 100 livres in discharge of courtois’s debt.

56 boards, lent to deruisseau.

4 minots of wheat, given to st. martin’s wife for 2 pairs of stockings, etc.

200 Roofing-nails, lent to Monsieur The commandant (poudrux).

100 small nails, lent to Monsieur de longueuil (belfry). [Page 275]

480 large nails, lent to father bon.

5 Boards, lent to Father bon.


The 24th of September: 10 Minots of indian corn, Delivered to Monsieur de La Perade; no price fixed; it was selling at one pistole — * which makes 100 francs.

The 30th of September: sold to sieur Bart, armorer: 1st, three packets of Files, at 6 francs A packet. 2nd, thirteen Files, at 10 sols on The average; I knife-File; 5 (square) Files; 7 rat-tail Files. 3rd, a two-edged File (it Files only with the two edges), twenty sols. 4th, a flat File, at thirty sols. 5th, three-quarters of a livre of boura (borax), at The rate of one pistole A livre (7 livres 10 sols). 6th, a Livre and a quarter of iron and brass wire, both thick and small, at The rate of 4 francs A Livre (5 francs).

*Total, 39 livres 10 sols.

Prejean asks me for The payment of the freight on 100 livres, at 10 écus A hundred.

I owe st. andré 20 sols, for one hundred tacks.[Page 277]



These are two Latin letters to the father general — the first being by Mathurin le Petit (dated at New Orleans, June 25, 1738); the second by Armand de la Richardie (dated at Mission de 1’Assomption des Hurons, June 21, 1741). The originals are in the domestic archives of the Society. We follow apographs thereof, in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal, kept in the cahier labeled “Aux Généraux. ”


These documents are letters written (by Luc François Nau and Nicolas de Gonnor, in 1739-42) to Madame Aulneau, the mother of J. Pierre Aulneau. They are selected from Father Jones’s The Aulneau Collection (Montreal, 1893). For the French version, we follow modern apographs in the archives of St. Mary’s College; the English translation is from Father Jones’s publication, with some minor emendations. See Bibliographical Data for Docs. CCIV.-CCIX., and CCXI. in Vol. LXVIII. of our series, for further information concerning the Aulneau letters.


In publishing Joseph Aubery’s letter, written (late in 1749) in the name of the Abenakis of Canada to the canons of Chartres cathedral, we follow the version [Page 279] given in Merlet’s Histoire des relations des Hurons et des Abnaquis du Canada avec Notre-Dame de Chartres (Chartres, 1858), a work described at length in Bibliographical Data for Doc. CXLVI., in Vol. LXI. of our series.


This catalogue of the persons and offices of the Society in New France, written at the close of the year 1749, we obtain from an apograph (apparently by Father Martin) in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal.


The original MS. of Claude Godefroy Coquart’s memoir upon the posts of the King’s Domain (dated April 5, 1750), was found among the papers of the late Judge Badgley, of Montreal, whose son, J. C. Badgley, loaned it to William McLennan, the Montreal lawyer and novelist. In April, 1889, Mr. McLennan loaned it to Rev. Arthur E. Jones, the archivist of St. Mary’s College, Father Jones identified the MS. as written by Coquart, and made a close copy thereof. In July following, it was acquired by Douglas Brymner for the Dominion archives at Ottawa, where it is now preserved. We follow Father Jones’s copy, after comparison of the same with the original: several words in the MS. are illegible.


J. B. Maurice’s journal of the Tadoussac Mission, 1740-50, we take from Rapport sur les Missions du Diochse de Québec, Mars, 1864, No. 16 (Quebec, 1864), pp. 46-52. [Page 280]


The two letters by Louis Vivier, written from the Illinois, June 8 and November 17, 1750, respectively, we copy from Lettres édifiantes, t. vii., pp. 60-64, 65-82.


The original MS. of Pierre Jean de Bonnécamps’s relation of his voyage to the Ohio River, in the company of Céloron de Blainville, in 1749, rests in the archives of the marine, at Paris; several copies of it have been obtained for American scholars. One, made for Francis Parkman, is in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society, together with about fifty volumes of New France documents presented to the Society by Mr. Parkman, about 1888; another, made for Father Jones, is in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal, which also possess an apograph of the Parkman copy; a third is owned by l’Abbe Auguste Gosselin, of St. Charles de Belle-chasse, P. Q. The MS. journal of Céloron is preserved in the archives of the marine (now with the colonial archives), at Paris; it recites the incidents of the expedition in great detail.

In publishing Bon&camps’s relation, we have followed both the Parkman and the Jones copies, correcting one by the other. Our translation into English is by Mrs. Marion Longfellow Morris, of Boston.


In vol. XXVII., pp. 307-m we gave an historical and bibliographical account of the Journal des Jésuites, to which attention is again called. It will [Page 281] be remembered that the original MS. volume now in the library of Lava1 University covers the period (excepting some lacuna in 1654-56) from September, 1645 to June, 1668. This portion of the old Journal we have already published in Vols. XXVII.-LI. Among the papers of the late William Smith, the historian of Canada, were found several extracts, most of them in English, taken by him, apparently at random, from subsequent portions of the Journal covering the years between 1710 and 1755. As stated in our Vol. XXVII., the present location of the original French MS., from which Mr. Smith doubtless made these extracts, is unknown. Patient search has been made for it, by several investigators, but without result.

In January, 1878, the editors of L’Abeille, a literary journal issued from the Petit Seminaire of Quebec, published (vol. xi., pp. 41-44) for the first time these extracts made by Mr. Smith. In parallel columns, those which Smith had done into English were retranslated into French; but the extracts which Smith had failed to translate were presented only in the original. In connection with this publication were given notes appended to his extracts by Smith himself, and others by “ L. B. P.,” who had edited the MS. for L’Abeille — apparently, l’Abbé Louis Beaudet. The editor also tells how the fragment was discovered, and speculates as to the possibility of finding the missing portions of the Journal.

In publishing this portion of the Journal, we follow L’Abeille, except that we furnish our own translation of those passages (marked by a *) which Smith did not render into English. [Page 282]


The original MS. of this document, almost wholly in the handwriting of Pierre Potier, Jesuit missionary at Detroit, is now in the possession of Theodore Parsons Hall, of that city; he purchased it in 1892 from Richard R. Elliott, also of Detroit, who had it in his possession for over thirty years. In 1891 Mr. Elliott published in the Detroit Sunday News an extended account of the MS., following this with a free translation thereof and numerous helpful notes. In the Sunday News for February 18, 1899, Mr. Elliott gave a “supplementary chapter,” chiefly  devoted to Potier’s connection with the Pontiac conspiracy. In the present publication, we closely follow the MS., kindly loaned to us for the purpose by Mr. Hall, and give our own translation. The order of presentation, however, differs from that in the MS. itself. After filling the body of his account-book, Potier returned to the fly-leaves and blank spaces for the insertion of later memoranda; these we have arranged in chronological order. Several blank pages left by Potier were, from 1789 to 1791, used by later priests for the entry of baptismal records; we have omitted these, as having no connection with the Jesuit mission. In our annotations, we have occasionally drawn upon Mr. Elliott’s notes, which are of great value for the local history of Detroit.

Owing to the length of the document, less than one-half is presented in this volume; the remainder will appear in Vol. LXX.[Page 283]




ISelected from MS. ir: archives of st. ~aq+ college, ~~~t~~~l.1.FACSLWLE OF HANDWRITIEG OF CHARLES M. MESAIGER, S.J.

i Selected from MS. in archives of St. Xary’s College, Montreal.).i , 1

;. ‘--.


1 Selected from MS. in archives of St. Nary’s College, Montreal.]


[1] (p, 29). — Cf. the more detailed account of Senat’s death given in an earlier letter by Le Petit (vol. lxviii., pp. 309, 311); see also in note 21 of same volume.

[2] (p. 31). — Cf. the statement of revenues made in 1701 by the Jesuits in Canada (vol. lxv., p. 181); also that given in 1727 by the minister of marine (N.Y. Colon. Docs., vol. ix., p. 995), as follows: “The Jesuits have, on the estimate of expenses, yearly: For their Missions in Canada, 5,000 livres; for their Iroquois and Abenaquis Missions, 1,500; for the support of a Missionary at Kanzas, 600; for the support of a 3rd Regent [instructor] at Quebec, 400; for the support of 2 Missionaries to the Sioux, 1,200; for that of a Missionary at Tadoussac, 600. They have, on the marine [i.e., from the funds of the department of marine]: For the School of Navigation at Quebec, 800; for their house at Montreal, 500. Total, 10,600 livres.”

[3] (p. 47) — The successor of Dosquet, bishop of Quebec (vol. lxviii., note 33), was François Louis Pourroy de l’Auberivière. Who was consecrated Dec. 21 1739, at the age of twenty-eight. Arriving at Quebec on Aug. 8 of the following year, the young bishop died but twelve days later, from a fever contracted while aiding the sick on the vessel which had conveyed him from France.

[4] (p. 53), — As has appeared in Previous volumes, the survivors of the Huron nation had fled from their country about 1650 — some taking refuge with the French at Quebec, some becoming naturalized among their captors, and others migrating westward to Mackinac and its vicinity. The last-named portion of the fugitives — for some time deprived of their religious teachers, and closely associated with the Ottawas, who were more brutal and superstitious — quickly degenerated from their earlier faith. The present document states the departure from St. Ignace of a part of these Hurons who apparently went with Cadillac when he founded Detroit (1701), and settled near that town, They remained without a missionary until 1728, when La Richardie (vol. lxviii., note 44 was sent to them; his labors for them are indicated in this report which he makes to his [Page 285] labors for them are indicated in this report which he makes to his general.

Jean Baptiste du Parc was born June 28, 1676, and became a Jesuit novice at the age of nineteen. He came to Canada in 1707, and appears to have spent his life in Quebec and other French towns,. He was superior of the Canadian missions from August, 1726, to September, 1732; was then sent to Montreal, and finally returned to Quebec in broken health, dying there, Jan. 31, 1742.

[5] (p. 57). — Jean Baptiste Tournois was born at Orchies, Flanders, Jan. 1, 1710; and entered the Jesuit novitiate at Tournay, Sept. 27, 1727. He came to Canada in the summer of 1741, and began his labors at Sault St, Louis in September of that year, Tournois remained at that mission about nine years; but he was accused of being an associate with the Desaulniers sisters, — two women who carried on trade with the Indians, at Sault St. Louis, and secretly sent furs to Albany, contrary to the statutes against such traffic. La Jonquière, the governor, closed their store, and ordered Tournois back to Quebec (May, 1750); and finally sent the priest and the two women to France. In the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal, is an apograph of a letter written (Oct. 12, 1754) by Du Quesne (La Jonquière’s successor) to the French minister, asking him to permit Totirnois’s return to Canada and to the Sault St. Louis mission, because no one of his successors there had been able to manage the Indians of that mission as he had done — apparently a fruitless appeal, as Tournois did not return.

[6] (p. 63). — Henri Marie du Breuil de Pontbriand, a native of Brittany, was but thirty-three years old when he was appointed (1741) bishop of Quebec — the last incumbent of that see under French rule. After the surrender of Quebec to the English (Sept. 18, 1759), Pontbriand retired to the Sulpitian monastery at Montreal, where he died on June 8, 1760. While there, he wrote (Nov. 5) a memoir entitled Description imparfaite de la misère au Canada — a vivid and melancholy account of the wretched condition in which the war had left that colony.

[7] (p. 63). — Porret: Allium porrum, a sort of leek.

[8] (p. 71). — In the cathedral of Chartres, France, is a wampum belt sent in 1691, by. the Abenaki converts of the mission at St. François de Sales, to the Virgin of Chartres; it was accompanied by a prayer to her, written in the Abenaki language. In acknowledgment of this gift, another was sent (1693) to the savages by the cathedral chapter, consisting of a silver reliquary wrought in the form of the sacred chemise (vol. lxi., note 17) — a gift similar to that Sent in 1680 to the Lorette Hurons (Same vol., pp. 244-263).[Page 286] Mauradt gives (Abénakis, PP. 253-271) an account of these and other gifts, with the correspondence exchanged between the Abenakis and the cathedral. The prayer to Mary, above referred to, is thus given by Merlet (pp. 23, 24):

“Ouréreda nigaoussenan pita ouerighian Mari nekkouambi pakitinemourenena pita ouerighek ouetiannemeg, Kichi koureremanbanik nesesissenanouak kichi koureredamenesa anir egmauoua apakitiniganouam. Ourereda nekkouambi pakitinemoureg niouna anneghe oueoueremeregheban ereghikkoui kechahanchian nederitehansibenehouhouban amante oua aramikaoked, amante kegoué pakitinaoked, ne mina nedagatchebenouhouba, nekenokeresibenouhouhouban nederitehansiben-ouhouhouban: tebatebaou niounam anneghe pambatameg, nedaramikaouanna ouenitiaanit nanouat oueouandamouk, kichi oureremegouanr sanghemanou Marim, Guderereman egmanoua Mari, pakitimaouaouiditch oureremank, kichi oueouandamouk. Kiouna dakki essema . . . endamoubbena, esserna aeoueoueredamouounena erekameghessihidit pambatami oustdaghik, ni eritehansiegheban. Koureremibbena:etto nekkouambi Mari pita sanghemanoueremegousian, meouiassis etto nekkouanbf neoueouandamoubbena, netcheredamenena metchakameghhessouingheban nedakkinouk eskoua epieghe. Nekkouambi nekiktaouarma keneman nederangoumanna ouakeneman eri soughenebansieg: atchi kedbrerebena kounemannin nahaghena. Ourefeda pegoua nekkouanbi kegoussimis pakitinemouréghe. Gherousitamaoueokedtch nemittangousena sangmanoui François de Sales, oua nanouat kemiregoubban ouaghe. Nambi kemirerena nalmghena io skouansou tpokoudiganiouitch askamioui eri mirereg nahaghena. Kia askamioui teberemine Mari ouerighian teberemat angeriak te avenambak. Pegekoun keouikoutemourebana, Ouridarakandamousse khaghek kenemann Jesous ouridarakandatch nereonanganenouk dari amanteni tagouioui moussanrereg kia tai keneman tehari mehhinaeghe arambada askamioui io skouaasou, Mari dari askamioui kheramiouitch nekerousouanganena neouikoutemeouanganem amant askamioui teberemieg: amante askamioui moussantgikiktoureg pounemaouine nereouanganenouk ouikoutemoureg.”

[9] (p. 73). — The present document appears in Mamault’s Abénakis (pp. 499-501); and in a footnote he gives the signification of the names of chiefs signed thereon after Aubery’s.

[10] (p. 75). — Gabriel Marcol was born at Nancy, April 12, 1692, and at the age of sixteen entered the Jesuit novitiate. He Came to Canada in 1723, and pronounced his vows as spiritual coadjutor in 1727. He became superior of the Canadian missions in October, 1748, and held that office during six years; and died at Quebec, Oct. 17, 1755.

[11] (p. 75). — Joseph Pierre de Bonnécamps was born at Vannes, France, Sept. 5, 1707; and, soon after attaining his majority, entered the Jesuit order. He came to Canada in 1741, selected by his superiors to act as instructor in hydrography at the college of Quebec, a chair maintained there from 1671 — at the expense of the French government, from 1702 — until the conquest. Instruction in Hydrography had also been given at Quebec, from a very early time, and at the king’s expense, successively by Martin Boutet, who opened a school there in 1651 (vol. xxvii., note 20); Jean Baptiste Franquelin, royal engineer, from 1686 to 1697; and Louis Joliet (who had been royal hydrographer during 1680-86), from 1697 until his death (in 1700?). Upon that event, the position was assigned to the Jesuit college; and it was held by Bonnécamps from the time of his arrival in Canada until the capture of Quebec (1759) — a period interrupted by his expedition with Céloron to the Ohio, his journal of which is given in our text, and by a year (1757-58) spent in France. Returning to his own country (probably in the autumn of 1759), he became teacher of mathematics in the Jesuit college at Caen; but the deerees of 1762, suppressing the order in France, deprived him of that occupation. The next information about Bonnécamps shows that he was in 1766 (and perhaps earlier) ministering to the French refugees on the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon; but, having undertaken to do so without due ecclesiastical procedure and authorization, he was apparently notified (1767) that he must surrender this charge to other priests. It was probably at that time, or soon afterward, that Bonnécamps found a home at the chateau of François l’Ollivier de Tronjoly (an admiral in the French navy), near Gourin, in Brittany. He died there, in 1790. — See Gosselin’s excellent studies of Bonnécamps’s life and times, in Canad. Roy. Soc. Proc., 2nd ser., vol. i., sec. 1, pp. 25-61; vol. iii., sec. 1, pp. 93-117; vol. iv., sec. 1, pp. 33, 34. In these papers are printed several hitherto unpublished letters by this priest, all supplied with copious and valuable annotations.

[12] (p. 77). —Jacques François (but François Eustache, as given by Maurault) le Sueur was born July 22, 1685, a native of Languedoc, according to Maurault; but some writers make him a native of Normandy, and the date of his birth Aug. 24, 1686. He entered the Jesuit novitiate Sept. 7, 1704 (or 1705); after completing his priestly studies, he came to Canada (1716), studied the Abenaki tongue at Sillery for several months, and then began his missionary labors at the Abenaki village of St. François de Sales. He remained there until 1727, and possibly longer; he was at Montreal in 1730, and during 1749-54 — his location during the interval cannot be stated from the fragmentary Catalogues of that period; and he was [Page 288] stationed at Quebec during 1755-59, He made long and frequent visits, however, to the Abenaki villages, while he resided at Québec and Montreal. His death took place at the latter city, April 28, 1760. Of the MSS. left by Le Sueur, there remain a dictionary of Abenaki radicals, and a volume regarding the savages of that tribe, one chapter of which describes the calumet dance (vol. lxv., note 22). — A. E. Jones, S. J.

[13] (p. 77). — Pierre Daniel Richer was born Aug. 11, 1682, and entered the Jesuit novitiate at the age of eighteen. Having completed his studies, and received ordination, he ame to Canada (1714). He was immediately sent to Lorette, where he spent the rest of his life; his death occurred at Quebec, Jan. 17, 1770, All the missionaries to the Hurons Who came to Canada after him were trained for their work by Richer; and he added much to the work done by his predecessors in compiling and Systematizing the Huron language. —A. E. Jones, S.J.

Pierre Potier was born at Blandain, Flanders, April 21, 1708, At the age of twenty-one, he became a Jesuit novice, at Tournal, and his studies were pursued there and at Douay; while he was an instructor at Lisle during 1732, and at Bethune, 1732-38. In 1743, he came to Canada, and, after spending a year at Lorette in the study of that Huron language, came to Detroit as assistant to La Richardie; upon the latter’s retirement, Potier became superior of that mission (note 66, post). The Hurons belonging to it gradually decreased in numbers her through the ravages of war, and the steadily increasing French population on that side of the strait replaced them In the mission church. Potier had charge of it until his death, which took: place July 17, 1731.

[14] (p. 79). — Simon Gounon came to Canada about 1752, and in the following year was sent to Bécancourt, where he spent twelve years among the Abenakis settled there. On May 3, 1764, he was  drowned while crossing the St. Lawrence.

[15] (p. 79). — Claude Godefroy Coquart was born at Melun, France, Feb. 2, 1706, and, after the usual term of Studies, was ordered as a Jesuit priest, He came to Canada about 1738, and probably spent the next three years at Quebec. In 1741 he was sent as chaplain to La Verendrye’s expedition (vol. lxviii., note 46); but, owing to certain jealousies and intrigues, the explorer was forced to leave Coquart at Michillimackinac for a time. He remained there probably until August, 1743; and, during the interval between that date and July 21, 1744 (when his signature again appears upon the church register at Michillimackinac), he was able to execute his earlier project, and made a journey with La Verendrye to Fort [Page 289] La Reine. In the spring or early summer of 1744, he must have returned from this journey, probably following La Verendrye homeward when the latter was compelled to resign his position as commandant in the Northwest. In 1746, Coquart was assigned to the Saguenay mission, where he labored until 1757. He then returned to Quebec, remaining there until the conquest. After that event, Coquart and Germain attempted to settle in Acadia, but the English authorities compelled them to leave that province. Coquart then resumed his labors in the Saguenay region, where he spent the rest of his life; he died at Chicoutimi, July 4, 1765. An Abenaki grammar and dictionary remain as monuments of his linguistic labors — See L. A. Prud’homme’s paper upon this missionary, in Revue Canadienne, 1897, pp. 81-92.

Careful copies of St. Anne’s parish register at Michillimackinac, above cited, from its beginning to 1821, have been made at the instance of Edward Osgood Brown, of Chicago; and one of these is in the archives of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin. (See Brown’s excellent paper on this register, published by him — with another, entitled Two Missionary Priests at Mackinac — in 1889, at Chicago.

[16] (p. 79).L Louis Vivier was born Oct. 7, 1714, and became a Jesuit novice at the age of seventeen. Coming to Canada (about 1749), he was promptly sent to the Illinois mission. He was there stationed at Kaskaskia, about four years; and was transferred to Vincennes late in 1753 or early in 1754. He died there, Oct. 2, 1756, —A, E. Jones, S.J.

[17] (p. 85). — Malbaie: now the village of Murray Bay, 90 miles below Quebec; the chef-lieu, for judicial purposes, of the Saguenay district. The name Malbaie is apparently a corruption of “Molue Bay,” the English form of the French Baie des Molues (for morues, “codfish”). This village lies at the mouth of Malbaie River, where that stream falls into the St. Lawrence. A little above this place is the village of Les Eboulements (“the landslides”), which apparently received its name from one of the phenomena in the earthquake of 1663, noted by Jerome Lalemant (vol. xlviii., p. 49). Bouchette (Topog. Dict., art. “Eboulemens”) cites local traditions of an earthquake occurring there between Jacques Cartier’s two voyages (1534-35).

[18] (p. 85). — François Étienne Cugnet was born in 1688, and came to Canada as early as 1720, with his wife Louise du Sautoy, by whom he had six children. He became a member of the supreme council in 1730, and six years later, farmer of the revenue for the post at Michillimackinac; he was afterward, during many years, farmer for [Page 290] the posts in the “King’s Domain.” In 1736 he bought the seigniory of St. Maurice; and, in the following year, that of St Étienne de Beauce was conceded to him by the king. In 1737, Cugnet was the leading promoter of the exploitation of the iron mines at St, Maurice, and the forge there began operation in October of that year; after six years, this industry was. given over to the French government. He was interested in opening up the resources of the country, and wrote a memoir on “the trade in the wool of Illinois cattle;” and, going to France in 1742, carried specimens of the Canadian flora to the Jardin des Plantes at Paris. He died at Quebec, in August 1751 (Sulte says 1757 — Canad.-Fran., t. viii., p. 5). Cugnet’s eldest son, François Joseph (born in 1720), became a noted lawyer, and wrote several works on topics connected with his profession; he also held various official posts in Canada, under the English regime.

It is probable that this report of Coquart’s was requested from him by the intendant (Bigot), as a private check upon Cugnet’s reports as farmer of the revenue.

[19] (p. 87). — The post of La Comporté was probably named thus in honor of Philippe Gaultier (Gautier), sieur de Comporté a court official in France. He was born in 1641, and married at Quebec (1672) to Marie Bazire, by whom he had eleven children; he was provost in Canada for the marshals of France. His death occurred in November, 1682.

[20] (p. 95). — The “pouches” (preputial glands) of the beaver have been used in medicine from the time of Hippocrates; and, in the earliest times, the animal was hunted mainly to secure these pouches, The belief in the medicinal efficacy Of castoreum (the substance secreted therein) is, at the present day, more popular than scientific. — See H. T. Martin’s monograph on the beaver, Castorologia (Montreal, 1892), pp. 90-98.

[21] (p. 117). — For a description of the journey here referred to, See vol. xlvi., pp. 255-273, and note 19.

[22] (p. 119). —Quart: this designation apparently refers to the quart-muid (the muid being an old-time measure of capacity, varying in different provinces), a small cask containing 70 liters, newly two English bushels.

[23] (p. 127). —For definition of pecan, see vol. xxi., p 315.

[24] (p. 131). —There were two coadjutor brethren of this name, both infirmarians, attached to the college of Quebec: Jean Jard Boispineau, born in 1689, who entered the Society in 1711 and died at Quebec in 1744; and Charles, who entered tie Society in 1719 and died in 1760 — A. E. Jones S. J.

[25] (p. 137). — Jean B. Maurice (born at Passy, France about 1703) [Page 291] Came to Quebec, soon after 1730, as a scholastic; and was, during several years, a teacher in the college of Quebec. In June, 1740, he went to the Tadoussac mission, where he remained until July, 1745. Returning then to Quebec in broken health, he was soon afterward attacked by illness, and died from its effects on March 20, 1746.

[26] (p. 137). — Gilles Hocquart was intendant of Canada from September, 1728 to September, 1748, although he did not receive his commission until 1731. The affairs of the colony were administered by him with ability and honesty, and he tried to develop its natural resources. The masses promised by Coquart are still said (1900) in )he Tadoussac church, every year.

Hocquart’s predecessor was Claude Thomas Dupuy, who replaced (August, 1726) Begon (vol. lxvii., note 3). Soon antagonizing the governor, Beauharnais, and becoming involved in disputes with the ecclesiastical authorities, he was recalled to France in 1728.

[27] (p. 139). — François Bigot — a lawyer, and a native of Guienne — succeeded Hocquart as intendant of Canada, and with powers extending over the whole of New France. He had been commissary at Louisbourg when that fortress was surrendered to the English (June, 1745); and it was claimed that his malversation of the funds intended for its fortifications contributed to the defeat of its garrison But he had powerful friends at court, and secured an appointment as intendant of New France, which post he held until the conquest; he arrived at Quebec in August, 1748, and returned to France in October, 1760. He was then accused to the king of malversation of public funds and maladministration while intendant, and was confined in the Bastile during a year. Being, with numerous other Canadian officials, brought to trial, Bigot and several others were banished (1763) from France, and also condemned to make restitution to the king; Vaudreuil was acquitted. It seems to be the general opinion of historians that the peculations of Bigot and his associates brought the Canadian colony to the brink of financial ruin, and thus helped to pave the way for its conquest by the English.

[28] (p.145). — It will be remembered that domestic cattle were introduced at Kaskaskia about 1712 (vol. lxvi., p. 291).

[29] (p. 151). — Beauharnais (vol. lxvii., note 4) was nominally succeeded, as governor of New France, by Jacques Pierre Taffanel, marquis de la Jonquière, who received his commission in March, 1746, In the summer of that year, La Jonquière was sent, in command of a French squadron, to attack Port Royal: but, his fleet being dispersed by a storm off Cape Sable, he was forced to return to France. Again departing for Canada (May, 1747), his ship was [Page 292] captured by the English, and he was detained as a prisoner in England until the following year. Meanwhile, Beauharnais acted as governor until relieved (Sept. 19, 1747) by Count de la Galissoniere; the latter held office two years, when La Jonquière came (September, 1749) to assume the authority granted to him three years before. The governorship was held by La Jonquière until his death, May 17, 1752.

Bonnécamps’s statement that he reached Quebec too late to report what he had done, is explained by the fact that La Galissoniere left that place, on his return to France, on Sept. 24; while Céloron’s expedition did not arrive at Montreal until Oct. 10.

[30] (p. 153). — Louis Thomas de Joncaire, sieur de Chabert, was a native of Provence, born in 1670. He came to Canada when a mere boy, and soon became an interpreter for the Indians; he also entered the army, and gained the rank of lieutenant. His special service was among the Seneca tribe, by whom he was adopted; he had great influence with them, and they regarded him as one of their chiefs. The date of his death is not recorded; but it must have been about 1740. In 1706, he married (at Montreal) Madeleine le Guay, by whom he had ten children. The eldest of these, Philippe Thomas, born in January, 1707, repeated his father’s career, save that he was on intimate terms with all the Iroquois tribes, as well as with the Senecas. He was one of the officers who signed the capitulation of Fort Niagara (1759); it is not known how long he lived after that event. It is this son who is mentioned as an officer in Céloron’s expedition. Some writers say that his mother was a Seneca squaw; but Tanguay makes him the son of Madeleine le Guay.

[31] (p. 153). — The identity of Céloron the explorer is not entirely certain, as there were two brothers of that name, both Canadian officers, and both employed at frontier outposts and among the Indians; moreover, most historical writers have neglected to make researches sufficiently detailed to settle this question satisfactorily.

The name of the family was Céloron de Blainville, according to Tanguay, Ferland, Gosselin, and other leading Canadian writers; but Parkman, Marshall, and some other English historians write it Céloron (or Céleron) de Bienville, and sometimes Bienville de Céloron. The first of this name in Canada was Jean Baptiste Céloron, sieur de Blainville; he was born at Paris, in 1664, the son of a royal councilor. In early youth he came to Canada, apparently as a lieutenant in the French troops; and married, at the age Of twenty-two, Hélène Picoté (widow of Antoine de la Fresnaye, sieur de Brucy, François Perrot’s partner in the fur trade), by whom he had seven children, He died at Montreal, in June, 1735.

His elder son, Pierre Joseph (born in 1693), was also a military officer, [Page 294] and served with much distinction, especially when placed in charge of various forts. He was commandant at Michillimackinac at an early date — probably from 1737 to 1742, a period broken by a short term of service (in 1739) against the Chickasaws in Louisiana; he led against them a troop of French and Indians from Canada. From the autumn of 1742 to that of 1743, he commanded at Detroit, and again from 1750 to March, 1754. In October, 1744, he was sent to take command of Fort Niagara, where he remained two years; then spent a short time at Montreal; and in the spring of 1747 became commandant at Fort St. Frederic (Crown Point), remaining there about six months. In 1750, after his return from the Ohio expedition of the previous year, he was ordered to take charge of the Detroit post. Leaving it in 1954, he probably spent the next six years in various military operations of the French and Indian war; the latest mention of his name in Canadian affairs is, apparently, as one of the defenders of Quebec in 1759. He had married, in 1724 (at Montreal), Marie Madeleine Blondeau, widow of Charles le Gardeur, and had by her four childrcn. He was again married (in 1743) — to Catherine Eury, by whom he had nine children; after she became a widow, she entered (1777) the Gray sisters’ convent at Montreal, where she died twenty years later.

The strong preponderance of evidence is in favor of Pierre as being the explorer of 1749; but some writers ascribe this service to his younger brother, Jean Baptiste Céloron kept a journal of the expedition of 1749, which has been preserved at Paris, in the archives of the Department of Marine. From this document and Bonnécamps’s journal (also resting in the archives of the marine), Marshall drew materials for his paper, “De Céloron’s Expedition to the Ohio,” published in Mag. Amer. Hist., March, 1878. Bonnécamps’s journal was accompanied by a MS. map (in size 30 by 81 centimeters) drawn by him, locating all the places mentioned in his journal, where he had taken observations (p. 197 of this volume). This map was also preserved, with his memoir, in the above named archives, but cannot now be found; its disappearance seems to have taken place at some time during 1892-94. A small copy of it (but with modern lettering) is given by Darlington in Gist’s Journals, at p. 274.

Jean Baptiste Céloron was born in 1696, and was, like Pierre, an officer in the colonial troops. He married (in 1730) Suzanne Piot, by whom he had five children. Little is positively known about him, the general references in contemporary documents to “M. de Céloron” being somewhat confusing; but he was commandant at La Presentation in 1751, with the rank of lieutenant; and probably it is he who was killed in the summer of 1756, near Fort Cumberland, [Page 294] while on a scouting expedition. — On this whole subject, see N.Y. Colon. Docs, vols. ix., x., passim; Parkman’s Montcalm and Wolfe, vo’l. i.; Marshall, ut supra; Gosselin, as cited in note 11, and, and in note 32, post (see p. 10 of Proceedings, vol, xii,); and Farmer’s Detroit, p. 227.

[32] (p. 155). — François Picquet, a native of Burgundy, was born Dec. 6, 1708. He early showed a vocation to the religious life, and entered the Sulpitian order at Paris; he was there ordained in 1734, when but twenty-five years of age, and at once sent to Canada, spent five years at Montreal, and ten mire in the Sulpitian mission at Lake des Deux Montagnes (vol. lxii., note 16); during his stay at the mission, many savages, especially Iroquois, came to reside there, and he gained much influence over them, Picquet’s favorite scheme was to secure friendship and alliance between the Iroquois and the French against their English neighbors; to that end, he undertook to form a mission colony of Iroquois, under his personal care and direction. Accordingly, he founded (in the summer of 1749) at the mouth of the Oswegatchie River, upon or near the site of the present Ogdensburg, N. Y., the establishment named by him La Presentation; it was not only a mission, but a fortified post. The Iroquois savages were easily induced to settle these; at the and of two years, they numbered about 400 — a number which finally increased te 3,000. Picquet won their enthusiastic affection and obedience, and secured their loyalty to the French — a service gratefully acknowledged by Canadian officials. He maintained this enterprise until the summer of 1760, when, unwilling to swear allegiance to England, he left Canada — returning to France by way of New Orleans, where he remained nearly two years In his own country, he spent a considerable time in religious labors in the diocese of Paris; in 1765 and in 1770, he received certain sums of money, in recognition of the services which he had rendered in Canada; and he finally died at the house of his sister, at Verjon, July 15, 1781. — See Gosselin’s admirable paper on “L’ Abbé Picquet” with full and valuable annotations, in Canad, Roy. Soc. Proc. vol. xii., sec. 1, pp. 3-28.

[33] (p. 159). — At this point there is, on the MS. which We fellow, a note in Francis Parkman’s handwriting: “The 3 mountains by Nonnenbin? ”

[34] (p. 159) — Yjadakoin, Chadakoin, Tjadakoin, Yadakoin are all variants of the Iroquois name which has now become, through successive phonetic renderings by French and English tongues Chautauqua. The expedition, after coasting the southern shore of Lake Erie, arrived at the Chautauqua portage (now Barcelona), and [Page 295] ascended Chautauqua Creek (the explorers’ “Rivière aux Pommes”). Thence to Chautauqua Lake is a portage of six miles; having crossed this, Céloron voyaged down the lake and the “outlet,” so-called, and then through Cassadaga and Conewango Creeks, into the Alleghany. By Céloron and other early explorers the names “Ohio” and “Beautiful River” were applied to the Alleghany as well as to the river now called Ohio. Marshall (p. 138 of citation in note 31, ante), says that the Senecas do the same even now. Regarding the region just mentioned, with identification of Céloron’s route, and description of the old portage road, see Edson’s Hist. of Chautauqua Co., N.Y. (Boston, 1894), pp. 74-136.

The “unknown tree” mentioned by Bonnécamps may he the cottonwood. Gosselin conjectures that it may be the common cedar, (Thuya).

[35] (p. 163). — The appellation paille coupée (“ broken straw “) is doubtless the French translation of the name given by the Indians of that region to the village in question, which was occupied mainly by Senecas. It was situated on the Alleghany, a few miles below the present Warren, Pa.

[36] (p. 165). — Kananouangon: the village was situated at the mouth of the stream now known as Conewango — which, after receiving the waters of Chautauqua Creek, falls into the Alleghany River, just above the village of Warren. Céloron took possession for France of the region through which he traveled — indicating this, in accordance with the custom of the time, by burying at the mouths of rivers engraved leaden plates; upon these were suitable inscriptions, recording place, date, and circumstances of this taking possession. One of these plates, stolen or found by Iroquois savages, was delivered by them to Col. William Johnson, in December, 1750; and was soon after forwarded to the Lords of Trade at London. A facsimile of this inscription is given in N.Y. Colon. Docs., vo1. vi., p. 611; translated, it reads as follows: “In the year 1749, in the reign of Louis XV., King of France, we, Céloron, commandant of a detachment sent by Monsieur the Marquis de la Galissoniere, General Commandant of New France, to reëstablish tranquillity in certain Savage villages of these districts, have buried this plate at the confluence of the Ohio and Tchadakoin, this 29th of July, near the River Oyo, otherwise Belle Rivière. This we do as a monument of the renewal of possession which we have taken of the said River Oyo, and of all the rivers which discharge into it, and of all the lakes on both sides as far as the sources of the said rivers, even as they have been possessed, or ought to have been possessed, by the preceding Kings of France, and as they have maintained their authority therein by arms and by treaties, especially by those of [Page 297] Riswick, of Utrecht, and of Aix la Chapelle.” A procès-verbal, of similar tenor, was also drawn up, and signed by the officers present, at each place thus indicated.

[37] (p. 169). — The second plate was buried at or near a large boulder, inscribed by the Indians with numerous hieroglyphics; it was situated about 9 miles (by the windings of the river) below the mouth of the stream called by the French of that time Rivière aux Bœufs (by the English, Venango), and now known as French Creek. A view of this rock and a facsimile of the hieroglyphics thereon are given in Schoolcraft’s Ind Tribes, vol. iv., p. 172 and plate 18.

[38] (p. 171). — “Attigué [Atigué, Attiqué] was probably on or near the Kiskiminitas river, which falls into the south side of the Alleghany about twenty-five miles above Pittsburgh. “The old village of Chaauanons (Shawnees)” had not been occupied by the Indians since the removal of Chartier and his hand to the river Vermillion in the Wabash country in 1745, by order of the Marquis De Beauharnois.” — See Marshall’s “Céloron’s Expedition,” p, 142.

Parkman (Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. i., p. 45) says that Attigué was at the site of Kittanning, Pa. This view is strongly supported by Lambing (Cath. Hist. Researches, Jan., 1880, pp. 105-07, note 6).

[39] (p. 173). — These trees are thus identified by Professor L. S. Cheney, of the University of Wisconsin: The “bean-tree” is the honey locust (Glenditschia); the “cotton-tree” is the American sycamore (Platanus occidentalis); and the “lentil-tree,” the red-bud or Judas-tree (Cercis Canadensis). Gosselin (“Bonnécamps,” in Canad. Roy.Soc. Proc., 1895, p. 49) thinks that the first-named is Robinia pseudacacia, a tree belonging to an allied genus.

[40] (p. 177). — The Chiningué of Bonnécamps (Shenango, in English accounts) was later known as Logstown. It stood on the north side of the Ohio River, immediately below the present town of Economy, Pa. (a German communistic settlement established in 1824 by George Rapp). In notes to his edition of Gist’s Journals (Pittsburg, 1893), Darlington says: “The Shawanese established themselves here, probably soon after their migration from the Upper Potomac country and Eastern Pennsylvania, in 1727-30.” Céloron found there also Iroquois, Mohican, and Algonkin savages. French and English traders, in succession, had stores at Logstown, which was then an important post in the Indian trade; but, after the capture of Fort du Quesne and the erection of Fort Pitt (1758), Logstown steadily diminished, until, early in the Revolutionary War, it was wholly deserted, — except that Wayne’s army encamped near its site, from November, 1792 to April 34 1793; the place was then called Legionville. [Page 297] — See Darlington’s careful sketch of its history (ut supra, pp. 95-100). A note by Parkman on this MS. says: “There appear to have been, at different times, three distinct villages of Shenango, — one at the junction of the Chatauqua and the Alleghany (Mitchell’s Map), the one mentioned above, some way below, and the third some way up the Big Beaver, near Kuskuski, the Kasknske of this journal (Bouquet map).”

[41] (p. 179). — The rivers where Céloron buried his next three plates are thus identified: Kanonouaora (Kanououara, in Marshall), probably Wheeling Creek, in West Virginia; Jenanguekona (or Yenanguakonan), the Muskingum River, in Ohio; and Chinodaichtis (Chinondaista), the Great Kanawha, of Virginia. The plates at the two latter rivers were found, in 1798 and 1846 respectively; the former has been preserved by the American Antiquarian Society, the latter by the Virginia Historial Society.

[42] (p. 179). — Reference is here made to one of the Niverville branch of the noted Boucher family. Jean Baptiste Boucher, sieur de Niverville, and seigneur of Chambly, was born in 1673. In 1710, he married Marguerite Thérèse Hertel, by whom he had fourteen children. Two of these became officers in the Canadian troops — Joseph (born 1715), and Pierre Louis (born 1722). It is probably the former who accompanied Céloron; he was then an ensign, and became a lieutenant in 1756. He accompanied Le Gardeur de St. Pierre’s expedition to the Rocky Mountain region (1750-52); but his serious illness in 1751 prevented him from going with the soldiers under his command who in that summer established Fort La Jonquière, far up the Saskatchewan. Sulte says (Canad.-Fran., t. vii., p. 84) that this fort was at the site of the present Calgary, N. W. T.

[43] (p. 181). — Jacques Charles de Sabrevois dc Bleury, a lieutenant in the royal troops, came to Canada probably about 1685; he was commandant at Detroit in 1714-17. In 1695, he married Jeanne Boucher, by whom he had five children. At least two of his sons became Canadian officers; at the time of the conquest, one was a major, the other a captain. One of them was commandant at Fort St. Frederic in 1748 and in 1756; and it is presumably this one who also was in command of the Abenaki allies of the French at the capture of Fort William Henry. Jacques Charles, apparently the eldest son, was in command at Detroit during 1734-38, and again in 1749; probably it was he who accompanied Céloron. We have not sufficient data for further identification of these brothers and their respective careers.

[44] (p. 183). — Sinhioto is the same as Scioto; another name applied to the village by the French was St. Yotoc — apparently a corruption [Page 298] of the other name. Most of its inhabitants were Shawnees, although many Iroquois and Northern Algonkins had joined them, as at Logstown.

The Great Miami River was called by the French Rivière à la Roche (“Rocky River”), on account of its numerous rapids, Rivière Blanche is a name applied by them to several streams which had unusually clear waters; in this case, the distances would suggest that reference is made to the Little Miami. Dunn (Indiana, p. 65, note 1) thinks that it was the stream now called White Oak Creek, Céloron buried the last of his plates at the mouth of the Great Miami.

[45] (p. 135]. — Kaskaské (Kushkushkee, Kuskuskis): a Delaware town-on Beaver Creek, according to Parkman; but more exactly located by Darlington (Gist’s Journals, p. 101) thus: “On the Mahoning, six miles above the forks of Beaver, where Edenburgh, Lawrence County, now stands. Old Kuskuskis stood on the Shennango, between the Parks and the mouth of the Neshannock (where New Castle now stands), on the wide bottom on the west side. Kuskuskis was divided into four towns, some distance apart.”

[46] (p. 187). — At the time of Céloron’s expedition, a band of Miamis had recently settled on the Great Miami, near the mouth of Loramie Creek. At their head was the leading chief of the Miami confederacy, known to the French as “La Demoiselle,” and to the English (whose firm friend he was) as “Old Britain.” Céloron urged these savages to return to their old settlements on the Maumee, but La Demoiselle refused to do so, and induced so many of his tribesmen to settle in his village (called by the English Pickawillany) that it became one of the largest and most important Indian towns in the West; it was also a center of English trade and influence. In June, 1752, it was attacked by 3 strong force of Ottawas from the Upper Lakes, under the command of Charles Langlade; they captured the village, killed and ate La Demoiselle, and made prisoners of five English traders, who were taken by Langlade to Quebec. — See Parkman’s Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. i., pp 51, 52, 83-85; and Darlington’s Gist’s Journals, pp. 124-126. For biography of Langlade, see Tassé’s “Mémoir of Langlade,” in Wis, Hist. Colls., vol. vii., pp. 123-187.

[47] (p. 189). — Reference is here made to the salt springs and “lick” in Boone county, Ky., about twelve miles south of Burlington. The place is called “Big Bone Lick,” from the bones of mastodons and elephants which have been found there in great abundance. Various collections of these fossil remains have been made — one by Thomas Jefferson, about 1805; he divided it between [Page 299] the American Philosophical Society (of which he was president) and the French naturalist Cuvier. This locality was known to the whites as early as 1729. Salt was made at these springs by the Indians, doubtless from a very early period, and afterward by the whites. — see Collins’s History of Kentucky (Covington, KY., 1874), vol. ii., pp. 51-55; and Thwaites’s Afloat on the Ohio, p. 197. The latter work contains (pp. 320-328) a list of journals of travel down the Ohio, dating from 1750 to 1876.

The “fort of the Miamis” was located at Kekionga (or Kiskakon), on the Maumee River, at the site of the present Fort Wayne, Ind. The Indian name is that of an Ottawa clan (Kiskakons — see vol. xxxiii., note 6), who probably had a village there, early in the 18th century. The Miamis had moved eastward to the Maumee by 1712; and Fort Miamis was early erected by the French, in order to protect their trade with the savages of that region. As a result of a conspiracy among these Indians against the French. Fort Miamis was captured by them and burned (1747); but it was soon afterward rebuilt. This post was surrendered to the English in 1760; after various vicissitudes of possession, Gen. Anthony Wayne’s army encamped there (1794) and a strongly-garrisoned fort was estabished — named, in honor of him, Fort Wayne.

[48] (p. 193). — The Ottawa and Huron bands here referred to had come to Detroit with Cadillac in 1701. The latter tribe had at first settled near Fort Pontchartrain; but removed their village (probably about 1746) to the Canadian side of the strait, near the Ottawa village, where now stands the town of Sandwich, Ont, La Richardie had since 1728 ministered to these and other Hurons settled in that region. A band of these savages, under a war-chief named Nicolas, had settled (ca. 1740?) at Sandusky Bay, where they soon established commerce and friendship with English traders. Nicolas was the head of the conspiracy against the French, mentioned in the preceding note; after its failure, he abandoned Sandusky, and in 1748 removed to the Ohio River. He was no longer living in 1751.

[49] (p. 203). — Apparently the Peoria mission is here meant.

[50] (p. 205). — Pierre de Vitry was born May 2, 1700, and entered the Jesuit order Oct. 18, 1719. Coming to the Louisiana mission in 1732, he Spent therein the remainder of his life — mainly at New Orleans; he Was superior of the mission from 1739 until his death, April 5, 1749.

[51] (p. 211). — For reproductions of various old plans and maps of the City, see Waring and Cable’s Hist. of New Orleans (Washington, 1881; a part of the Tenth Census Report). Among these are maps dated 1728, 1763, 1770, and 1798. [Page 300]

[52] (p. 213). — Regarding the wax-tree, see vol. lxii., note 19, Bartram (Travels, ed. 1792, pp. 403, 404) calls it Myrica inodora.

[53] (p. 217). — As early as 1685, Frenchmen had established a trading post on the Arkansas River, about fifty miles above its mouth — where, earlier, Marquette had visited the Kappa (Quapaw) villages. It was Called Post aux Akansas by the French; and by the English, Arkansas Post, a name which it still retains.

[54] (p. 223). — Regarding the mines here mentioned, see vol. lxvi., note 50; also Thwaites’s “Notes on Early Lead Mining in Galena Region,” in Wis. Hist. Colls., vol. xiii., pp. 271-292.

[55] (p. 225).  — Panismahas: the Skidi, one of the Pani (Pawnee) tribes, originally located between the Niobrara and Arkansas rivers — See Coues’s sketch of the Pawnee group, in his Lewis and Clark, pp. 55-57, note 7.

The Indian tribes, generally, enslaved their captives taken in war (vol. lix., note 25); and these slaves were also transferred to the whites, especially the French. So many were obtained (largely by the Illinois) from the Pawnees, — who were, early in the 18th century, settled on the Missouri River , — that Indian slaves were everywhere known by the general term panis. This bondage prevailed throughout Canada and Louisiana, beginning almost with the first French settlements in Illinois; and was authorized by an edict of Jacques Raudot, intendant of New France, dated at Quebec, April 13, 1709. Slavery was abolished in Upper Canada in 1793, by act of the provincial parliament; and in Lower Canada it had practically ceased by 1800 — the few remaining slaves being freed by an imperial act in 1834. The last public sale of a slave took place at Montreal in 1797. — See Lafontaine’s “L’esclavage en Canada,” Montreal Hist. Soc. Proc., 1858; and Hamilton’s papers on this subject, published by the Canadian Institute of Toronto — “Slavery in Canada,” Transactions, 1890, pp. 102-108; and “The Panis,” Proceedings, 1897, pp. 19-27. See also T. W. Smith’s “The Slave in Canada,” in Nova Scotia Hist. Soc. Colls., 1896-96.

[56] (p. 227) — Fort Chartres was built in 1720, by Pierre Dugué, sieur de Boisbriant (vol. lxvii., note 15), royal commandant in Illinois. It was erected at the expense of the Company of the Indies (vol. lxvii., note 37), at a spot about sixteen miles N. W. of Kaskaskia, and a mile from the Mississippi. The fort was at first built of wood; but it was rebuilt in heavy stone masonry (1753-56); at a cost of over 5,000,000 livres; it was thenceforth, with the village which had grown up around it, called New Chartres, The fort Was occupied by the Illinois commandant, and, later, by a British garrison. In 1772, a great freshet in the Mississippi submerged [Page 301] the bottom-lands between the river and fort, and undermined part of the walls; in consequence, the garrison left Fort Chartres, which was never thereafter occupied. It remained in fairly good preservation until early in the 19th century; but, when the tide of Eastern immigration spread over Illinois, the walls were torn down and used for building Purposes. — See Wallace’s Illinois and Louisiana, pp. 279, 313-318, for history and description of this fort.

[57] (p. 233). — On the MS. of these extracts appears here the following note, apparently by Smith: “There are no annals from 1710 to 1719, among the papers I saw in the hands of Mr. Pyke, clerk to the Commn for the Jesuits Estates. ”

In regard to the capture of Port Royal, see vol. lxvi., note 32. The French commandant who surrendered that place was Daniel Auger de Subercase, an officer of the royal troops, who had come to Canada in 1687. After a varied military service along the St. Lawrence and in Newfoundland, he was appointed (1705) governor of Acadia. He defended his province in several attacks by the British, but was compelled on account of insufficient forces to yield in October, 1710. The garrison and officers were shipped to La Rochelle, The Acadian habitants submitted to the victors; and in 1713 the sovereignty of England was confirmed by the treaty of Utrecht.

The English envoy here mentioned was Philip Livingston, who was born at Albany, N.Y., in 1686; he was admitted to the bar in 1719, On other occasions also he was sent to Canada on diplomatic business; and he held numerous positions of responsibility and trust in public affairs, both provincial and intercolonial. He died at New York, in February, 1749.

[58] (p. 233). — “Card money,” here mentioned, was first issued in Canada in 1685, by the intendant Jacques de Meulles (vol. lxii., note 7). “The cards were common playing cards, each cut into four pieces, and each piece was stamped with the fleur-de-lis and a crown, and signed by the Governor, the intendant, and the clerk of the Treasury at Quebec. They were convertible into Bills of Exchange at a specified period.” Various subsequent issues, of less primitive style, were made this card money serving as a safe and convenient currency for about thirty years In 1714, about 2,000,000 livres of this money was afloat in Canada, which then had a population of 20,000. This excess of currency caused its depreciation; moreover, the French treasury was depleted by extravagant expenditures and the cost of the wars of that time, so that it could not meet the demands of the Canadian government. At the time referred to in our text (1718), the card money had therefore become worthless. For a time, the colony was forced to depend upon the specie it [Page 302] possessed; but this amount was so inadequate, not withstanding the attempts of government to regulate its value, that a return to card money became necessary. A new issue was made, — by a decree of March 2, 1729, — which, while it was honestly administered, was safe and beneficial for the colony; but other issues were made, later by the intendant Bigot, which he called “ordonnances,” which — as they had no specie foundation, and were arbitrarily end recklessly made-soon were discredited and worthless. At the time of the conquest, the State owed 80,000,000 livres; of these obligations 41,000,000 livres was due to Canadian creditors, of which sum, 34,000,000 was in “ordonnances.” Little of this large sum was realized by the holders of those claims. Much dispute arose over their liquidation, which was finally effected (March 29, 1766), but at an enormous reduction, by commissioners appointed by France and England. — See the following excellent monographs upon this subject: James Stevenson’s “Card Money in Canada during the French Domination,” in Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans., 1874-75, pp. 83-112; Edmond Lareau’s “Monnaie de Cartes au Canada,” in Revue de Montreal, vol. ii. (1878), pp.433-438,456-459; and Dionne's “Monnaie Canadienne sous le régime Français,” in Revue Canadienne, vol. xxix. (1893), pp. 30-32, 72-83.

[59] (p. 235). — At this point occurs the following note by the editor of L’Abeille: “The word present is evidently by the author of the extracts, and refers to the time at which he wrote — that is, the first years of the [19th] century.”

The defenses of Quebec had been begun by Frontenac in 1691, and another effort to fortify the city was made (1702) by Callières. The work mentioned in our text was the result of Vaudreuil's earnest representations to the king that the safety of the entire colony was endangered by the weak condition Of Quebec: his death (1725) appears to have caused its suspension. Beauharnais, after several unsuccessful attempts, finally secured the completion of the walls around the city, a work which was finished in May, 1749. This Was done by Gaspard Chaussegros de Léry, a noted naval engineer, As stated in the Journal, his plans were accepted in place of those prepared by Jacques le Vasseur de Neré, a naval captain and engineer. Beaucourt, the colleague of the latter, was a son-in-law of Charles Aubert de la Chenaie (vol. xlviii., note 12); his full name was Josué Dubois de Berthelot, sieur de Beaucourt.

[60] (p. 235). — Regarding St. Vallier and the General Hospital see vol. lxiii., note 10. Pierre François Xavier de Charlevoix was born at St. Quentin, France, Oct. 24, 1682, and became a Jesuit novice at Paris, when nearly sixteen years old. He remained there six years; then came [Page 303] to Canada and taught grammar at the college of Quebec during 1705-09. In the last-named year he returned to Paris, where he completed his priestly studies. In 1720, he again came to Canada, commissioned by the French government to seek a route to the western Sea; his report of this journey, dated Jan. 20, 1723, made to the count de Toulouse, is kept in the colonial archives at Paris (vol. 16, c. II, fol. 102). Returning via New Orleans, he reached France late in 1722. Soon thereafter, he became one of the editors of Mémoires de Trévoux, a monthly journal-bibliographical, historical, and scientific-published by the Jesuits from 1701 to 1762 (see Gosselin’s account of it in his “Père de Bonnécamps,” Canad. Roy. Soc. Proc., 2nd ser., t. i., sec. I, pp. 40~ 41, note 2). In this and other literary labors he spent the rest of his life; he died at La Flêche, Feb. 1, 1761. He wrote numerous books — among them, histories of Japan, San Domingo, and Paraguay. The most notable of these works is his Histoire de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1744), which we have often cited.

[61] (p. 235). — The date here given should be Oct. 10, according to other and trustworthy authorities; it is probably an error by the original copyist.

[62] (p. 237). — The Récollets obtained (May, 1631) a piece of land in Quebec, — “in a very inconvenient place,” — writes La Barre two years later. “being in front of the Bishop’s door and the parish church, and quite near the Jesuits’ house; they have undertaken to build a regular Convent on it, though that is not expressed in the King’s patents” (N.Y.. Colon. Docs., vol. ix., p. 210). In 1719, the members of this order numbered twelve; a year later, there were thirty-two; in 1734, the number had fallen to twenty-seven (Ibid., pp. 896, 898, 1046). The names of these priests, and the year of their respective arrival in Canada, are given by Sulte in Canad-Fran., t. vi., pp. 86, 87; t. vii., pp. 73, 130 (reprinted from Tanguay’s Répertoire du clergé Canadien). According to this authority, Canada had in 1760 twenty-eight Récollets, and in 1775 sixteen.

In Cath. Hist. Researches, January, 1886. p. 119, is the following note: “There are no Recollects in Canada now, writes a Jesuit Father from Montreal; the last, an old lay brother — Brother Louis — died forty years ago at Quebec. He survived the last of the priests, and supported himself making beads, etc.”

[63] (p. 237). — Regarding the Tournois affair, see note 5. ante. Cf. Smith’s Canada, vol. i., p. 222. Hoquet, the successor of Tournois, is probably Joseph Huguet, a Jesuit, mentioned by Suite (t. vii., p. 733 as cited in preceeding note) as having come to Canada in 1736. He was still at the Sault St. Louis mission in 1774 [Page 304]

[64] (p. 237). — A description of this vessel, and the official correspondence relating to her loss, appear in a paper by F. C. Würtele, in Canad. Roy. Soc. Proc., 2nd ser., vol. iv., sec. 2, pp. 67-75, He States that the disaster occurred on Sept. 2, 1750, He also describes the destruction (in 1878-79) of the wreck, which had become a hindrance to navigation.

[65] (p. 237). — On Smith’s MS. is written, at this place, the following note: “Nothing [meaning, presumably, nothing of use for his history] from this to 1759 where the book ends.”

[66] (p. 245). — The Huron mission had been reëstablished, at Detroit, by La Richardie in 1728 (note 4, ante). Elliott states (Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev., 1898, p. 529) that “the funds requisite for the establishment of the Huron mission were supplied by the Government of France. “It was located on the opposite shore from Fort Pontchartrain, at Pointe de Montreal (now Sandwich, Ont.); La Richardie chose that side of the strait in order to avoid conflict of ecclesiastical jurisdiction with the Récollets in charge at Detroit. Here were built the mission-house and the church: the latter stood until after the middle of the 19th century. The former edifice remained entire until the last decade of the century, when the original 40 feet of its length, built in 1728, was taken down; the remaining 50 feet, dating from 1743, is still in good condition, and is occupied as a dwelling. An excellent view of this old mission-house (as it appeared in 1886) is given in Hubbard’s Memorials of Half a Century; and a sketch of it appeared in the Detroit Sunday News in connection with Elliott’s translation of this document (March-April, 1891).

A farm was also maintained, in order to supply food for the mission; it was located on Bois Blanc Island (where some Hurons had a village) at the entrance to Lake Erie. About 1749, the Indian disturbances in that region (note 47, ante) compelled the Fathers to abandon this farm, and begin one at the Detroit mission. About 1736, the store and warehouse were established at the mission, under the charge of a lay brother, to attract the trade of the various Huron bands along the lake, and thus protect the savages from the dealings of unscrupulous fur-traders, and from the unrestricted use of intoxicating liquors. Much of the account-book concerns the transactions in this establishment — which necessarily involved many dealings with the French habitants of Detroit and vicinity, as well as with the Indians. A merchant at Montreal (René de Couagne) acted as agent and shipper for the store.

In 1744, Pierre Potier (note 13, ante) came to the mission, assistant to La Richardie; the latter acted as superior until his age and infirmities compelled him to retire (1753 or 1754) to Quebec. [Page 305] Potier then became superior of the Huron mission, which he conducted until its gradual extinction through the Indian wars prevalent during the period from the conquest of Canada to the War of the Revolution. — For more detailed information, see Elliott’s historical sketches of this enterprise, in U. S. Cath. Hist. Mag., vol. iv., and in Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev., ut supra.

Jean Cuillerier (born at Montreal, in 1670), married at the age of twenty-six Marie Catherine Trotier, one of whose family names was De Beaubien. Becoming a widow, she married (1714) a second husband, François Picoté de Belestre, an officer in the French troops. Going some years later to Detroit (where he died in 1729), his step children accompanied him thither, and settled there; they were known by the surname Cuillerier de Beaubien, shortened finally to Beaubien. (See Denissen’s Navarre, p. 290.) The Cuillerier signing this contract was probably the youngest son of Jean-Jean Baptiste; he was born in 1709, and in 1742 married Marie Anne Barrois, of Detroit. The eldest son, Antoine, was born in 1697; he married (1722) Angelique Girard, by whom he had four children. A grandson of Antoine, Jean Baptiste (born in 1789) went to Chicago in 1817, as agent for a trading company, and became one of the first settlers there.

Jean Cesire (Cecile) was born in 1698; in 1731 or 1732 he came to Detroit, with his family. He had married (1726) Marguerite Girard, by whom he had six children. He died in April, 1707, at Detroit.

[67] (p. 245). — Pierre Roy, one of the first settlers of Detroit, came probably with Cadillac (1701). He married a Miami wife, Marguerite Ouabaakikoué, by whom he had six children. The Roy mentioned in the text may have been Pierre, eldest son of the foregoing, born in 1706. One Joseph Roy also lived at Detroit, later; he Married, in 1736, Madeleine Perthuis.

[68] (p. 247). — Étienne Campeau, born in 1638, married (at Montreal, 1663) Catherine Paulo, by whom he had fifteen children; he died before 1721. From 1705 to 1708, several of this family settled at Detroit. Michel (born in 1667) married Jeanne Macé (Montreal, 1696), by whom he had six children; he died in 1737, Another son, Jacques (born in 1677), married (Montreal, 1699) Jeanne Cecile Catin; their children numbered nine. The eldest of these, Jean Louis, is the Louison mentioned by Potier; another son, Nicolas, is the Campeau (Campau) nicknamed “Niagara,” from having been, when a child, dropped in the water by a voyageur at the Niagara portage. — See sketch of this family, carried down to middle of the 19th century, in Hamlin’s Legends of Le Détroit (Detroit, 1884), pp 275-280.

The D’Agneaux (Daniaux) mentioned here was probably Jean, [Page 306] son of Micheal Dagneau, sieur de Douville, a French officer stationed at and near Montrael. Jean (born 1694) married Elizabeth Raimbault, by whom he had two children; they resided at Detroit after 1730, but he died in Montreal in 1751. Another son Louis Césaire (born 1734), a colonel in the army, came with his family to Detroit in 1749 or 1750; he died there in 1797.

Robert Navarre, a native of Brittany (born 1709), came to Detroit in 1730, as superintendent and royal notary of that post. Four years later, he married Marie Lootman dit Barrois, by whom he had nine children. He died at Detroit, in 1791.

Barrois was one of the names of a prominent Detroit family, which originated with Willibrord Lootman (or Lothman) dit Barrois. Denissen (Navarre, p. 11) says that it was he who was sent to Canada in1665 as general agent of the Company of the West Indies (Vil.1 of this series, note 18); but Sulte (Canad.-Fran. T. vi., p,42) says that the agent’s name was Mille Claude. Denissen says that François Barrois, who settled at Detroit, was a son of the agent; Tanguay says that he was a son of Antoine Barrois, whose father was Jean, a surgeon in a village of Berri, France. François (born 1676?) married at Montreal (1717) Marie Anna Sauvage, and soon afterward, settled in Detroit, where his eight children were born; one of these married Navarre (ut supra). The name of this family is a good illustration of the confusion and actual changes which are encountered in the records of French-Canadian families — changes well explained by Denissen in Burton’s Cadillac’s Village, pp. 41-43. The Lootman family, migrating from Holland to the province of Berri, received the sobriquet le Berrois (corrupted to Barrois). Removing to Canada, Lootman was usually dropped; but it appears agin in the Detroit branch as Lothman (corrupted to de Barrois), and Barois-Lothman.

[69] (p. 249). — Jean Baptiste Gouyou (Goyau), the son of a French soldier, was born at Montreal in 1688. In 1720, he married Marie Deguire-Larose, at Detroit, where he became a permanent settler. By this marriage he had eight children, and a second, two more. The date of his death is not recorded.

[70] (p. 249), — It is a custom, in the Roman Catholic Church, that prayers, both for the living and the souls of the departed, are offered at the celibration of mass, for such intentions as the faithful may indicate to the officiating priest. For every mass offered for such intentions, an offering of money is made to the priest. At the time of this document, the usual amount of the offering was one livre for each mass. The minimum amount at the present time, in Canada, is 50 cents, with few exceptions; the regulations of the [Page 307] diocese of Detroit allow a dollar for this service. — See Elliott’s article regarding Potier’s Livre de Compte, in U.S. Cuth. Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 161.

[71] (p. 249). — Jean Baptiste Chapoton, a surgeon in the French army (born in 1684), was sent to the Detroit post (about 1718) as surgeon for its garrison. In July, 1720, he married Marie Madeleine Estène, then but thirteen years old, by whom he had twenty-two children. He retired from the army several years before the English conquest, and settled on an estate that had been granted to him; his death occurred in November, 1760.

[72] (p. 249). — Joseph Douaire de Bondy, son of a Montreal merchant (born in 1700), came to Montreal about 1730. Two years later, he married Anne Cecile, daughter of Jacques Campeau (note 68, ante), by whom he had seven children; he died at the age of sixty years.

[73] (p. 251). — Destaillis was the surname of a branch of the Deneau (Deniau) family, settled at Montreal and in its vicinity. We have no data for the identification of the person named in the text.

Vital Caron, born in 1702, and descended from one of Canada’s early immigrants, came to Detroit (according to Burton) in 1707. In 1735, he married Madeleine Pruneau, by whom he had seven children; he died in April, 1747.

Pierre Méloche, born in 1701 at Montreal, married (1729) Jeanne, sister of Vital Caron, and came at once to Detroit; they had twelve children. Méloche had a sawmill on the south side of the strait, but his dwelling was on the north side. He died at Detroit, in 1760.

He was an intimate friend of Pontiac, whose headquarters in 1763 were at the Méloche house.

Nicolas François Janis, born at Quebec, in 1720, a master-mason by trade, settled at Detroit. In 1745, he married Thérèse (daughter of Pierre) Méloche, then thirteen years old, by whom he had eight children. The date of his death is not recorded.

“Father Bon” is a familiar allusion to the Récollet priest then in charge of St. Anne’s church at Detroit, Louis Marie Bonaventure Carpentier. He ministered therein from 1738 to 1754; recalled to Quebec, he spent twenty-two years more in missionary work there and in neighboring places, and died in 1778. — For history of St. Anne’s church, see Elliott’s “Récollets at Detroit,” in Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev., vol. xxiii., pp. 759-778; and Farmer’s Detroit, pp. 527-536.

Much valuable information regarding the Detroit habitants named in this document will be found in Tanguay’s Dict. Généalogique, Burton’s Cadillac’s Viliage and In the Footsteps of Cadillac, and [Page 308] Hamlin’s Legends of le Detroit. See also Farmer and Elliot, ut supra.

[74] (p. 253). — Couagne was the name of a Wealthy mercantile family at Montreal; its founder, Charles (born in 1651, Near Bourges France), lived there from 1680 until his death in 1706. His son René is the one referred to in our text; he was born in 1690. In 1716 he married Louise Pothier, by whom he had thirteen children, The date of his death is not recorded, but it was not earlier than 1750.

There were two St. Martins at Detroit in its early days, One was Jacques Baudry dit Desbuttes, dit St. Martin, official interpreter for the Hurons at Detroit; he was born at Quebec (the son of Jean Baudry, an armorer), in 1733. Coming to Detroit in early youth, he married (1760) Marie Anne, daughter of Robert Navarre; he died there in 1768. His brother Joseph Marie, eight years older, was married at Detroit (1757) to Madeleine Paillé and died there in 1778. Hamlin’s Legends of le Detroit regards these men as grandsons of Antoine Adhémar de St. Martin, a royal notary of Montreal in the time of Frontenac; but this opinion is not born out by the researches of Tanguay. A niece of Jacques Baudry, Genevieve Jadot, became the mother of Prof. Charles Anthon, the noted classical scholar.

[75] (p. 259). — Paul Joseph le Moyne (born 1701), chevalier de Longueuil, was, like most other men of his house, distinguished in the military records of Canada. He was commandant at Detroit during 1743-47, and later was governor of Three Rivers. In 1728, he married Marie Genevieve de Joybert, by whom he had eleven children. After the conquest of Canada he left the country, and spent the rest of his life in France, dying at Tours in 1778.

[76] (p. 265). — Reference is here made to the old Huron village near Fort Pontchartrain, which they had recently abandoned in order to live near La Richardie’s mission.

[77] (p. 265). — Charles and Pierre Chesne (Chêne), of Montreal, came to Detroit at an early date. Charles (born 1694) married, in 1722, Catherine Sauvage, by whom he had thirteen children; the date of his death is not recorded. Pierre (dit La Butte) was born in 1698; at the age of thirty years he married (at Fort St-Philippe, the Miami post) Marie Madeleine, daughter of Pierre Roy, by Whom he had one son, and who died in 1732; four years later he married Louise Barrois. Pierre was a merchant, and also an Indian interpreter; he died in 1774.

Jacques Godet (Godé), born in 1699, of a Montreal family, became a merchant at Detroit, where he married (1743) Marie Louise, [Page 309] daughter of St. Martin (note 74, ante); he had by her eight children. He died in 1760.

Hyacinthe, Réaume, of Montreal (born 1704), came to Detroit at some time in 1731-33. In 1727, he married Agathe de LaCelle, by whom he had fourteen children; he died at Detroit, at the age of seventy years. His younger brother Pierre also settled in that town, and became the head of a large family, dying in 1766.



(p. 273). — Regarding the name of Beaubien, see note 66, anti.