Following is a summary of the documents contained in the present volume:

XCIV. Le Jeune writes (March, 1657) a short business letter to the hospital superior at Québec. He refers to certain accounts and bills, some of which he has settled; and states that he has received certain alms for the Québec convent. He also announces that more nuns are going thither from the Dieppe house.

XCV. The Journal des Jésuites for 1657 is written by Jean de Quen; it is much more full than in the years immediately preceding, especially in recording church ceremonies. In January, De Charny the acting governor, dispatches two Frenchmen to Onondaga; but they cannot go beyond Montréal, as they have no guide and the roads are bad. Services in the large church are begun March 31. The superior receives (April 3) the abjuration of a young man presumably a Huguenot. A week later, he signs a petition, made by the carpenters of the town, for the establishment of the brotherhood of Ste. Anne. As soon as warm weather approaches, Onondaga Indians commit various hostile acts, notwithstanding the ostensible peace with that tribe. Jean Bourdon sets out, May 2, for his journey to find the North Sea. On the sixth, several Onondaga bands are prowling about Québec; councils are held between

end page 9

these and the French with their allies. All the speeches of the Onondagas " amounted to nothing, — meroe ambages, meroe tenebroe. " During the negotiations, an Onondaga is accidentally wounded by a Frenchman. Complaint of this is made; and Father le Moyne " applies to the wounded man a plaster, in the shape of a porcelain collar. " The Onondagas return to their own country on the 15th, with three Huron ambassadors; on the way, the Hurons are prevented by the Mohawks From completing their journey. The first French vessel comes, this year, on May 27. The next day, a Mohawk band come to Québec, to carry away the Hurons to their country, — for which purpose more councils are held. The French learn that the Mohawks have intrigued between the Hurons and Onondagas, to induce the former to go to the Mohawk country instead of Onondaga. The French try to persuade the Mohawks to delay this project until the arrival of the new governor, D'Argenson.

On the first day of June, Le Mercier arrives from Onondaga; he brings good news from its mission there. The next day, the Mohawks carry away a number of Huron women and children. On the thirteenth, the chapel and all the other buildings at Sillery are destroyed by fire. Three days later, one of the Huron tribes is embarked on the French shallops, to go to live at Onondaga; and, later, Le Mercier again goes thither.

A party of French and Algonkins, who had gone in April to trade with the Poissons-blancs, or Attikamègues, return to Québec, July 15, laden with peltries. On the twenty-ninth occurs a notable arrival —that of the Abbé de Queylus and three Sulpitian

end page 10

priests. Two weeks later, another Mohawk band come to Québec, and carry away more of the Hurons to the Iroquois land. August 11, Bourdon returns from his voyage of exploration, which has proved fruitless, owing to the hostility of the Northern savages. On the twentieth, a French vessel arrives, whose captain brings information that the new governor, D'Argenson, had embarked on his vessel, but, long delayed by unfavorable weather, had returned to France. Le Moyne again sets out for the Mohawk country.

The curacy at Québec is assumed by the Sulpitian abbé de Queylus, September 12; and, soon afterward, he delivers a sermon against the Jesuits. About this time, De Charny (temporary governor in place of his father, De Lauson) returns to France; D'Ailleboust takes his place until D'Argenson shall arrive. The new governor complains to the Jesuit superior of the latter's want of confidence in him regarding affairs at Onondaga, especially because the presents sent thence to Onontio have not yet been delivered to him. These are accordingly sent to D'Ailleboust by the superior. Unfortunately, another grievance arises between them. Letters from the Jesuits, criticizing the governor and De Queylus, fall into the hands of the latter, who are greatly offended thereat. On the following Sunday, the abbé‚ delivers " a satirical discourse " aimed at the Jesuits.

Various attacks by the Iroquois, upon both the French and their allies, are recorded in the closing months of the year. D'Ailleboust adopts more vigorous measures than his predecessors had taken; he has all the Iroquois who are at the settlements arrested and put in irons, and then sends two of

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them back to their own country, to inform their tribesmen that the French now hold hostages of theirs, for the Murders which they have committed.

A Huron girl of fifteen years dies (Nov. 3) at the hospital, who has become a nun, taking the veil in her last hours. Many of the Algonkins come down to the French settlements, and D'Ailleboust invites them to bring others of their number, to spend the winter at Québec.

Another chapter in the Sulpitian controversy is a summons to appear in court, in re the petition of De Queylus that the Jesuits be compelled to surrender their house for his use, or else refund the 6,000 livres given in 1645, by the habitants, for the erection of a clergy-house. They are also embarrassed by another claim, for money due one of the habitants; this man dies, a fortnight later. A dispute arises between the members of the council of Québec and those of the court of justice, as to precedence in the church procession and in the reception of the blessed bread.

An experiment in regulating the liquor traffic is tried at Three Rivers. De la Poterie, a seignior there, desiring to repress the disorders consequent upon the ordinary sale of liquor to the Indians, opens a tavern, where wine is sold to them at the rate of " two pots for a winter beaver, and one for a summer beaver. " The savages do not amend their conduct, and complaints are made against the tavern. The seignior consults with D'Ailleboust, who decides that the tavern must be closed. " Nevertheless, it was continued. "

XCVI. In this volume are presented Chaps. i.- xvi. of the Relation of 1656-57; the remainder will appear in Vol. XLIV. It is prefaced by a short letter to the

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provincial from Le Jeune, procurator in France for the Canadian missions. He explains that misfortune has again befallen the Relation (this year, written by De Quen); the ship by which it was sent was " captured by the Spaniards, and all the letters on board were thrown into the Sea. " Le Jeune therefore compiles a report of the mission work, from some letters recovered from this disaster, and some others which arrived in France too late for the Relation published last year.

The burden of this year's report is the work newly begun among the Iroquois tribes. Late in 1655, an embassy from the Senecas arrives at Québec, desiring to form an alliance with the French. They are cordially received, and set out for their own country; but they are slain, not far above Montréal, evidently by some of the Mohawks, who are jealous of any friendship between the French and tribes other than their own. Another embassy comes in January, 1656, at the head of whom is a chief of high standing; " whose heart was entirely French, and who was already won over to the faith; " they ask for Christian teachers to live among them. Again the Mohawks thwart their desire, by killing this chief while he is on a hunting expedition.

Late in April, 1656, a large Mohawk band come to attack the Hurons. They are delayed at Three Rivers by parleys and presents, until word of the affair can be sent to Québec. Father le Moyne, who is experienced in dealing with the Iroquois, immediately goes to meet the Mohawks, and after listening to his arguments, they agree to abandon their design against the Hurons, and their army ostensibly disperses. A little later, these treacherous savages,

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lurking in the woods, fall upon the Onondagas who are escorting the French to their country; but they pretend that this attack was due to a mistake on their part, Again dissembling, these same Mohawks slyly return down the river to Québec, and, at early morning, fall unexpectedly upon the Hurons of the colony on Orléans Island, killing or capturing many. Some of these captives are burned to death; another, who escapes after being tormented, recounts the sad tale at Québec. Among the Huron prisoners are many young women, and several of the most fervent Christians, " the flower of the Huron congregation; " they are carried away in the very sight of Québec, and the French are too weak to prevent this seizure of their allies and dependents. They are held by the Iroquois, for several days, in an encampment near Three Rivers, where one of the Jesuits visits them several times; " never have they been more fervent or bold in manifesting their devotion, which, in many, would appear extraordinary even in a cloister. "

The journey of the Jesuits and French soldiers to Onondaga is described at length, in the journal kept by one of the party, doubtless Father Dablon. This is preceded by a rehearsal of the considerations which induced the missionaries to go thither, despite their long experience of Iroquois treachery and cruelty. A captive Huron, escaped from the Onondagas, tells at Québec their plot to massacre all the French and Hurons, after they shall have lured these into the Iroquois country. The Mohawks, although pretending to be at peace with the French, may become hostile at any moment, owing to their wild jealousy of the Onondagas, and their desire to compel the

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latter to trade with them and the Dutch, instead of the French. These dangers, with the difficulties and expenses of the enterprise, make the Fathers hesitate; but not for long. Their decision to make the effort is based not only upon their desire to convert the heathen, but upon their perception that it is necessary to pacify the Iroquois at this critical time, lest these begin — as they have already threatened — a war of extermination against the French and their allies. Accordingly, Le Mercier takes with him on this errand Fathers Ménard, Dablon, and Frémin, and two brethren; they are accompanied by some forty Frenchmen. While traveling through the wilderness east of Lake Ontario, they encounter the Huron captive before mentioned, who had escaped from the tortures of the Mohawks; they aid him, and give him a canoe with which to reach Montréal. Their provisions being consumed, they suffer from hunger, but having sent ahead a courier to Onondaga, relief is dispatched thence. Before this comes, however, all but five of their savage escort have deserted them. At last, thirty-four days after leaving Montréal, they reach ( July 11 ) the place appointed for the mission, on the shore of Onondaga Lake. The writer mentions some notable characteristics of this locality, — the salt springs, the vast flocks of wild pigeons, and the numerous rattlesnakes. The Indians eat these snakes, and find them as well flavored as eels. The spot chosen by the Fathers is not infested by these reptiles, which haunt the vicinity of the salt springs.

At the spot chosen for their residence, they find awaiting them a great crowd of savages, who give them cordial welcome. After a little rest, the French

end page 15

erect cabins for their dwellings, and a fortification for the soldiers. They visit the chief village of the tribe, where they are flattered, caressed, and feasted to the utmost. Envoys from the other Iroquois tribes are attending a great council at Onondaga; and the Fathers devote themselves to conciliating and winning these men.

In this council, Le Mercier is chosen arbiter of the difficulty between the Senecas and Mohawks. The Fathers adapt themselves to the customs of the tribes, and make both speeches and presents in all important matters; these, with Chaumonot's fluency in their language, delight the Iroquois. Having won their approval and good will, he preaches to them the gospel, with great eloquence and power. The Mohawks claim to be most friendly to the French; but the latter are warned by their hosts not to trust the Mohawks, who are deceitful and treacherous.

The Fathers build a chapel at Onondaga, and a residence on the shore of the lake, which latter they call Ste. Marie of Gannentaa. They preach, teach, and baptize, at every opportunity, while the Frenchmen who have come with them are erecting the buildings. All this is done in the heat of midsummer, with insufficient food and lodging, and many other privations. They suffer from the sudden change of climate, and the harassing attacks of mosquitoes, both day and night. The result is, that the entire party become ill, " with no other succor than that of Heaven. " This help is theirs, however; for God sends them abundance of game and fish, and the Indians bring them fresh vegetables. In consequence, they soon recover health. Soon afterward, Ménard and two Frenchmen are sent to the Cayugas,

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at the urgent request of that tribe; and Chaumonot proceeds to the Senecas, to begin, as the Fathers

hope, a mission among those people.

It is apparently a part of De Quen's report which proceeds to describe the manner in which part of the Hurons were carried away from Orléans Island by the Iroquois, in the spring of 1657. The Bear clan go with the Mohawks; that of the Rock, with the Onondagas; while the " nation of the Cord, " as they are known to the French, refuse to leave Québec. An account is given also of Le Moyne's second voyage to the Mohawks, on an errand partly political, partly evangelistic.

At Sillery, a great misfortune has befallen the infant church. In June, 1657 , fire destroys there the Jesuit residence, the chapel, and some of the dwellings. The Fathers desire to rebuild this mission; but they have not means to do so unless they receive aid therefor. Various incidents of piety and virtue among the Sillery neophytes are related.

A letter from one of the Fathers on Orléans Island gives an account of the Huron colony before its removal thence, — consisting mainly of instances showing the fidelity and devotion of those converts. One of them " manifested a zeal which I have never observed in any Savage, in informing me of faults in the members of the Congregation, without sparing his own relatives; this greatly assisted me in applying a remedy. " The Congregation ( " of our Lady ") numbers eighty members, and is highly useful in training the Indian disciples in piety and morality.

The Iroquois country, its physical characteristics, and resources, are described. The trees and fruits of the country are mentioned. The springs of salt,

end page 17

sulfur, and petroleum excite the wonder of the French visitors to that region, — as also do the fertility of the soil, and the abundance of fish in the streams and lakes. The five Iroquois tribes who dwell in that land are characterized. Their ferocity and cruelty are extreme, and, in their thirst for blood, they have so devoted themselves to war that their own losses are enormous; " they have so depopulated their own Villages that these now contain more Foreigners than natives of the country. " The Senecas comprise people from as many as eleven different tribes. Some account is given of the Iroquois customs in marriage, sickness, mourning, and burial; their domestic relations; their superstitions, especially as connected with dreams; etc. Their hospitality, and kindness to their own poor, are highly praised. They show the utmost kindness to the Frenchmen who have settled at Onondaga, and Le Mercier has been adopted by the leading chief there. The Senecas offer an excellent and advantageous residence for the " black robes, " if they will live among them.

The Iroquois mission indicates great promise of success. " More Iroquois have become Christians in two months than there were Hurons converted in several years . . . . Their fervor would cause this nascent Church to be taken for a Church already formed and established for many years, — nay, for several centuries. " Nevertheless, the labors of the missionaries are hindered by the superstition and vice of the people; and the usual slanders against the Fathers and their religious practices are repeated in this new field. Many incidents are related of their experiences in preaching the gospel, especially at

end page 18

Onondaga, where the most interest and fervor are manifest. An earnest appeal is made to Christians in France, to contribute funds for the redemption of the Christian captives (largely Huron) who are held in slavery by the Iroquois. The mission begun by Chaumonot and Ménard among the Cayugas is described, in a letter written by Ménard. At first they are coldly received; but the chiefs are friendly, and soon a little group of converts is gathered; many others bring their children for baptism. Ménard returns to Onondaga after a few months; but at the urgent request of the Cayugas, he soon goes back to them, and his labors meet with great success.


Madison, Wis., April, 1899

end page 19



XCIV.— Lettre du R. P. Paul le Jeune, S.J., … la R. M. Superieure de l'Hotel-Dieu … Kebec. n.p., March, 1657

XCV.— Journal des PP. Jésuites, en l’année 1657


SOURCES: In publishing Doc. XCIV., we Follow the original MS. in the archives of St. Mary's College, Montréal. Doc. XCV., we obtain From the original MS. in the library of Laval University, Québec.

end page 21

Letter of Rev. Father Paul le Jeune, S.J., to the

Reverend Mother Superior of the

Hotel- Dieu at Kebec.


Jesus be your salvation. Here is The summary of a longer Letter that I wrote to you.

1 have forwarded to monsieur Grignon 800 livres in settlement of your account; after having all your Orders, I will forward what money I have remaining, to your sisters of Dieppe, — both for your account and for the passage-money of the sisters whom they are sending you.

1 have informed Madame d'eguillon about all your affairs. I have shown her your bill, and the accounts that I send you; you will remain Accountable unless she provide for them.

You do well to have your money received, next year and in subsequent years, by your sisters at Paris, and to address your Orders to them; but observe in regard to these Orders what I have written to Father Richard. My dear mother, it is best to address your little account to your good mothers; they are well disposed to you. I will give them the alms which are sent to me for you.

1 have not heard mention of Sans soucy; I know not where he is. Father Lyonne is going to miskou. He told me that he would write to the fathers at Kebec. I have assured Jaques cottret of the satisfaction

end page 23

that you received from Him. As for your Altar-screen, I know not where you will find Money to pay for it. The Reverend mother de la Resurrection, who honors you, is thinking of it.

Since this was begun, Father Lyonne's plans have been changed; he is going g to Kebec with monsieur the Governor, Item, information has been sent me that sanssoucy was going from Baieux to Dieppe, in order to embark with your sisters who are going to see you. They will sail in Captain poullet’s vessel about low Sunday. I know not whether any Ursulines will sail this year. Pray for a poor sinner.

My Reverend mother,

Your very humble servant in our lord,

Paul Le JEUNE.

Begun in February, and ended in march, 1657.

[Addressed:- To The Reverend mother,

The Reverend mother superior

of the hotel Dieu

At Kebec. ]

end page 25



1657, JANUARY.

1 Jan. The Cannon was fired at Daybreak, and at the elevation of the host at high Mass.

3 Jan Two Frenchmen, by order of Monsieur Charni, left Québec to carry our letters to three


6 Jan We began to give the blessed bread in the Chapel of Sillery,— where just then there were no

savages, — after having obtained the father superior's permission through a request presented to him, and granted 3 days before.

We resumed saying the litany of the Blessed Virgin after Mass,— for the Necessities Of the country; for the affairs of this country which are transacted in France; for the Embarkations; for The upper and lower Missions; etc.,

14 Jan The River was entirely covered with ice on the north side, from the Sault To the island,

22 Jan 4 Frenchmen left Québec to make a Journey to three Rivers.

3 Jan Two Frenchmen left Québec, by order of Monsieur Charni, for Onontagé,


12 Feb At 9 o'clock in the evening, one of the two Anieronon Iroquois who had remained in

end page 27

the Cabin of atchenha was wounded in the head by a firebrand in the hands of a drunken Alguonquin, who had come a few Days previously from three Rivers. The alguonquin’s name is Mitewemeg. The injury is Slight.

11, 12, 13 Feb The forty hours’ devotion was held. The Blessed sacrament was exposed in Our

Chapel on the 11th Day from 4 o'clock in the morning Until 8 in the evening. The benediction was at 5 o'clock.

On the 13th, the blessed Sacrament was exposed at the hospital. There was High mass and a sermon, and benediction at half past 4 in the evening.

On the 13th, the blessed sacrament was exposed at the Ursulines'. High mass was sung there with music. There was a sermon and benediction at q o'clock in the evening.

14 Feb On Ash Wednesday, Father Poncet held, in his Room, the first meeting of the Congregation

of Our lady. Twelve were present.

At 9 o'clock in the evening, one of the two Iroquois who remained at Québec was wounded with a blow from a firebrand in the hands of Mitewemeg, a drunken algonquin. The blow was not serious; satisfaction was made with a collar, and all passed well.

24 Feb Monsieur Vignard said the first mass in the chapel of the Congregation of our lady, at the

first meeting of the Congregation, at which Monsieur de Charni was announced as the prefect of the said Congregation.

At evening, our two Frenchmen arrived

end page 29

from Montréal, not having been able to pass beyond to Onontagé as they had been ordered to do, for lack of a guide and on account of the Road, which was long and bad.


8 Mar Father Albanel, with Monsieur Lepinè and Frenchmen, Returns by land, on the south

shore, from his wintering with the savages. He suffered hunger on the way, returning by land, for the space of 12 Days. He had left the nôtre dame mountains on the 3rd of February.

15 Mar Precisely at noon, sister st. Ignace, a hospital nun, expired in a swoon.1 The burial took

place the next day, at 9 o'clock in the morning.

22 Mar Father Albanel returned to Tadoussac with sieur Lespinè, by shallop.

25 Mar A Young Frenchman called " big Jacques " or " the picard, " while passing over the ice to

go to The island of Orléans, Broke in and was drowned.

The Father superior said high Mass, having only Father Poncet to assist him, without deacon or subdeacon. Father Poncet prepared holy water in the vestry, and then sprinkled the people. Thereupon, he gave a brief instruction concerning the Ceremony of the Palms, which was performed immediately afterward by the Father Superior. He gave the Palms to Monsieur The Seneschal, — Monsieur Charni was not there, — then to the Churchwardens. Father Poncet made the

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distribution to the people. The Father superior Sang the passion alone.

28 Mar They were Sung in our chapel. Monsieur Godefroy sang the 1st lesson; pierre duquet, the

2nd; Monsieur de repentigni, the 3rd. All went well.

29 Mar The Father Superior said high mass; none of our Fathers received Communion, quia non

erat numerus competens. We Sang the tenebræ and the benediction.

30 Mar We sang the tenebræ.

31 Mar We Began to hold services in the large Church. The Father Superior officiated. All went



1 Apr The Father Superior officiated at high Mass. There were two high Masses, with deacon and

subdeacon. Benediction with us at 5 o'clock.

In the morning, two agnieronons arrived from Montréal, to make presents to the hurons; vide [Blank space].

There was preaching after dinner.

2 Apr We sang high Mass, with Deacon and subdeacon. There was preaching in the morning, by

the preacher for Lent. Benediction at the hospital at 5 o'clock.

3 Apr High Mass, with Deacon and subdeacon. Benediction at the Ursulines’ after dinner.

I directed in my room, — in the presence of Jobin, pierre du Val, And father Chastelain, according to the formula of the council of trent, — the abjuration of heresy of A servant

end page 33

belonging to the said Jobin, called René voie.2

10 Apr Monsieur de Charni left for three Rivers in A Shallop.

This Same Day, I signed the Petition of the Carpenters, asking for the establishment of the Brotherhood of St. Anne.

20 Apr Martin grovel left for Tadoussac; And a Band of Frenchmen left three Rivers, to trade with

the poissons blancs.

22 Apr The Father Superior gave the veil to Marguerite Bourdon, at the hospital.

25 Apr We had news from Montréal that a canoe of Five Onontaeronons, passing by Montréal, had

said that they — a part of 50 Onontaeronons — were coming to Québec, To war against the hurons And Algonquins.

28 Apr This news was Confirmed from three Rivers; it was added that a Huron woman was

wounded at lake St. pierre by one of the five Onontaeronons, Who said that he was followed by 3 other bands. This canoe brought no News of the French at Onontagé.


2 May Monsieur Bourdon weighed Anchor at Québec for the Voyage to the North.3

5 May Sieur de lepinè, And three Shallops of savages, arrived from Tadoussac.

6 May Eight Onontaeronons Entered the fort of silleri in the morning, finding The gate open, in

order to gain an opportunity to treat with the French or the hurons.

On the Same Day, about noon, The Onontaeronons killed a Cow belonging to pierre

end page 35

bivil, called " the Swiss,"4 on the strand, opposite his dwelling. He fired a swivel-gun at the Onontaeronons, but without Effect. They also killed a sow with farrow, belonging to the same man.

On the same Day, Father le Moine went to Sillery; and, of the 8 Onontaeronons who were there, he brought three to Our house at Québec, to talk with the Hurons And Alguonquins. That created a great stir. There were 40 Onontaeronons Lodged in 4 cabins opposite Sillery, on the other shore of the river; Jean peltier went to see them. Item, ten others, who entered Monsieur Thomas hayot's house, on the shore of the River. Item, some others, who, at 2 o'clock at night, were at Monceaux, to enter the House. A Frenchman fired a gun at them, to frighten them, and they fled.

7 May A Council was held in our hall to hear the Onontagéronnon, And to learn from his lips what

he came to do here; all that he said amounted to nothing, — Meræ ambages, Meræ tenebræ. This assembly was composed of Onontagéronnons, Agnieronorns, hurons, Alguonquins, Montagnais, and French. Monsieur Charni was present.

The Onontagéronnon spoke first, And made 6 presents of porcelain Beads, which all said the same thing, to wit: " I throw away my hatchet; I am thy brother, thou Frenchman, thou Alguonquin, and thou Huron, who comprisest three nations. " And to The Agnieronon he said: " I do nothing in Secret.

end page 37

Thou shalt tell thy people in thy country what thou hast seen me do."

Immediately thereupon, after the Song, the Anieronon also made six presents of porcelain beads, which all Said the same thing. To the Frenchman, to the Alguonquin, to the three Huron Nations: " I rejoice that you kindly receive my elder brother, the Onontagéronnon. " And to the Onontagéronnon: " I rejoice that thou dost carry peace everywhere. "

On the evening of the same day, a second assembly was held at the same Place and by the same persons, at which each nation responded, in the 1st place, to the presents of the Onontagéronnon; and, in the 2nd place, to those of The Agnieronon. The Frenchman spoke 1st to the Onontagéronnon, and said to him, with A brasse of porcelain beads: " Keep thy word; do not again take up thy hatchet against the Huron." 2nd: The Huron said: " It is well that thou comest to visit thy Friends, and that thou hast thrown away thy hatchet. " 3rd: The Alguonquin said: " We are brothers from all time; I keep my word, as well as the Frenchman. "

The Frenchman Answered the Agnieronon: " It is well that you are both content, — thou, Agnieronon, and thou, Onontagéronnon. It will depend only on you that the land be united. "

10 May -Ascension Day Father le Moine, being at Sillery, held a Council with The Huron and The

Onontagéronnon, to wit: whether the Huron should give himself to the Onontagéronnon

end page 39

The Council was disturbed by the News that an Onontagéronnon had been Slightly wounded by a gunshot in the thigh, by Monsieur le Mire,5 who Wished to repress The insolence of the said Onontagéronnon and of his companions, who were acting Insolently and as thieves in his house.

The Captain made his complaints. Father le Moine applied a plaster, in the shape of a porcelain collar, upon the wounded man. The Captain likewise made a present to the Frenchman, who was dissatisfied with the Youth of Onontagé. item, a second present, to pay for the cows killed by the Young men. Finally, a 3rd present, to pay the Frenchman to open his arms wide, and release all the Hurons who Might wish to go to Onontagé. Then, in Secret, the Captain made a present of a fine Collar to the Huron of the nation of Arendageronon, in order to attract him to Onontagé. The present, instead of being concealed, was produced by the huron at Québec, on The evening of the Day when he returned from the Council held at Sillery, in The assembly of the Alguonquins And hurons.

11 May In the morning, the huron responded to this collar of the Onontagéronnon with two presents,

through The mouth of Atsenha, called le plat [" the dish "].6

On the same Day, the 11th, The Alguonquin made 5 presents to the huron, of 10 mooseskins. 1st: " I restore to thee The head which the Agnieronon has often cut off for thee. " 2nd: " I wipe away thy tears. " 3rd:

end page 41

" I give thee a drink. " 4th: " be are brothers; let us always run the Same risks. " 5th: " Do not go away at once to Agnie, nor to Onontagé; wait a little. Do not start until thou hast learned news of the French who are at Onontagé, And of thy brothers who are at Agnie. "

The huron forthwith responded to these presents orally. 1st: " Thou givest me life. " 2nd: " I shall see the sun more easily. " 3 rd: " My Heart is well disposed. " 4th and J 5th: " I will think of what I have to say. "

12 May At 8 o'clock in the evening, a huron, nephew to Anotaha, was killed by an Onontagéronnon

near Monsieur de Mores's mill.7 The Captain pretended not to approve the deed, and gave two presents to a huron who had gone to see the Onontagéronnons in their fort. 1st: " Carry thy head whole; go peaceably to Québec. " 2nd: " Go and say to Onontio and to the Alguonquins that I am grieved at what has happened. "

14 May Father Druillettes left for tadousac, whence he returned to Québec on the 27th.

15 May At 7 o'clock in the morning, the Onontagéronnons returned To their own country with three

huron ambassadors.

22 May On Tuesday in whitsun-week, sieur Cousture returned to Québec from Three Rivers,

bringing as News that the Agnieronons who were at three Rivers had prevented two of the three Huron ambassadors from going to Onontagé with The Onontagéronnons.

20, 21, 22 May The 40 hours' devotion was

end page 43

held at the Ursulines , the Blessed Sacrament being exposed. We went thither in procession after vespers, on each of the 3 days; the rain impeded us once. We also held benediction there three times.

24 May Mother Marguerite St. Athanase was Canonically elevated to the rank of superior at the

Ursulines .

27 May At 8 o'clock in the evening, the Ship of Captain Marot, a Basque, anchored at the island of

Orleans, opposite the fort.

At 10 o'clock in the evening of the same Day, Father Gabriel Druillettes arrived at Québec in a boat from the vessel of this Captain Marot, which Ship the Father had boarded at Tadoussac.

At 9 o'clock in the evening, Pierre du Val And the son of Monfort, on their way to visit the anchored vessel, collided with it; the Canoe capsized, and the two men were drowned.

28 May The Ursulines made The renewal of their vows.

Toward noon, a canoe arrived from three Rivers, dispatched to give us warning of 24 Agnieronons at 3 Rivers, and 80 at Richelieu, ready to come down to Québec to carry away the hurons.

Four hours later, 4 Canoes arrived, with 25 Agnieronons.

29. At 8 o'clock in the morning, the Council was held in our hall, at which were present

Onontio, the Father Superior, the Agnieronons, — who had asked to hold a council, — the Hurons, and 2 Alguonquins.

end page 45

Thearihogen, an Agnieronon, made 3 presents to Onontio, of 4 Beavers Each. 1st: " Onontio, open thy arms; let thy children, the hurons, go to Agnié‚; thou hast already promised me this. " 2nd: " I know that thou lovest the faith; we will Believe with The hurons. " 3rd: " Lend them shallops, in which they may embark. "

At 7 o'clock in the evening, a Canoe arrived from Montréal, which brought us the letters from our Fathers of Onontagé; the Onontagéronnons, Coming to wage war Against the hurons and The Alguonquins, had hidden these in the vicinity of Richelieu, then recovered them again on returning from Québec, And carried them to Montréal. The news contained in these letters was good.

30 May A Council was held at the same place And by the same persons as on the 29th. The

Frenchman Responded to the Agnieronon with three presents, namely, three mooseskins.

We learned that The Agnieronon who was at three Rivers had led astray two of the three Huron Ambassadors who, along with some Onontagéronnons, were going up with presents to Onontagè; that other Agnieronons at Montréal had also prevented the third from going up; And that this ambassador had Secretly fled, and had put into father du Peron's hands the presents which he was bearing on the part of the Hurons, The Onontagéronnon having refused to take Charge of them.

1st: " Onontio is coming from France, And

end page 47

has written that he wishes to see the Hurons before they leave for Agnie. "

2nd: " Thou sayest, Agnieronon, that thou wilt pray to God with the huron. Thou wilt do nothing of the kind; if thou dost, it will be in appearance only. "

3rd: " All the French shallops have gone to meet the governor. Thou knowest well how to make canoes; thou makest them when thou comest to split the Huron’s head, and thou shalt make some to come and bring him. "


1 Jun At 4 o'clock in the morning, Father le Mercier arrived in a Canoe, — with Caron and

Boquet, and some other Frenchmen — in good health, and bringing good news of The faith at Onontagé. The letter which Father Chaumonot writes to me from Ganentaha, near Onontagé, is dated the 17th of May. Thus, Father Mercier must have taken only 14 Days to come down from Onontagé to Québec.

2 Jun 14 huron women, with several little Children, embarked in Agnieronon Canoes, in order to

go and live at Agnie. Here begins the destruction of the hurons.

11 Jun At 11 o'clock at Night, Father Ragueneau arrived in a shallop from three Rivers, to go up to


3 Jun At 2 o'clock in the Afternoon, The house at Sillery, the chapel, and all the buildings were

reduced to Ashes by the fire, which

end page 49

caught in the Kitchen Chimney and which the wind spread everywhere.

16 Jun At 6 o'clock in the morning, the hurons of the nation of the Rock embarked at Québec in

three shallops, manned with Frenchmen, to convey them to Montréal, whence these hurons intend to go to Onontagé, to dwell there.

21 Jun Captain Tadourneau’s vessel anchored before Québec,

22 Jun Father Ragueneau started in A shallop for Onontagé, with his outfit,

24 Jun Margontier is drowned near the Moulin des chastelets, 4 days after his arrival in this


27 Jun Father Mercier left in a shallop for Montréal, with a second outfit, to go to Onontagé.


15 Jul Father Albanel returned from Tadoussac in a shallop.

22 Jul 10 Canoes of Onontagéronnons arrived at Montréal, who came to meet The Huron s waiting

there, Seven Onontagéronnons upset in the Sault St, Louis, and perished.

25 Jul Monsieur le moine arrived at Québec, and brought us the above news

15 Jul On the 20th of April, 8 Frenchmen left three Rivers, with 20 Canoes of Alguonquin

savages, to go to trade with the poissons blancs. They penetrated into the country through the River Baptiskam, which is 6 leagues below three Rivers8 On this River,

end page 51

they passed 28 rapids in 14 Days. they arrived at the end of their journey on the 28th of May, having Passed 74 rapids or portages. They returned to 3 Rivers on the 15th of July, laden with Beavers. The journey is rough, Long, and dangerous; nevertheless, it proved successful. But a single Frenchman perished, by slipping and falling into a rapid, where he was drowned. They saw some of the poissons blancs, who are asking some agouingwiwecs, and some Kristinons, who are near the northern sea, to pray to God.

29 Jul At 10 o'clock in the morning, the Nantois vessel anchored before Québec; it brought us

Monsieur d'alliboust, And left Monsieur Maisonneufve And Monsieur The abbé‚ Kelus, with 3 ecclesiastics, at the house of monsieur Maheu, in the island of Orleans.

31 Jul Captain marot set sail for France from the port of Québec, at 10 o'clock in the morning.


9 Aug 20 agnieronons arrived at Québec, to carry away the rest of the hurons. Their band

numbered 100, from whom these 20 detached themselves. The 10 Canoes of Onontagéronnons — of whom mention is made above, under July 22 — have returned, seeing themselves weaker for their undertaking than the Agnieronons. . . . The 80 agnieronons remained at Montréal waiting for the 20 who came down to Québec.

11 Aug At 10 o'clock in the evening, Monsieur

end page 53

Bourdon arrived before Québec, from his journey to the north. Two hurons, whom he had taken with him, were killed by the savages, and a Frenchman was wounded.9

13 Aug The thunderstorm And the wind overthrew the Ursulines barn at St. Joseph. Two oxen were

smothered under the ruins, two other cattle wounded, and the carter hurt.

12 Aug We began to celebrate the Jubilee by opening it with a general procession.

17 Aug Father Albanel arrived from Tadoussac for the 3rd time, at 4 o'clock in the morning.

20 Aug Monsieur le Gagneur arrived at, 4 o'clock in the morning. He brought News that his vessel

was at the isle aux coudres; that he had twice put back to Ireland; that Monsieur d'Argenson, the governor, Father Lionne, and Messieurs Becancour, des Musseaux, and the young son of la Poterie, had returned to France.

21 Aug Some hurons left Québec with the Agnieronons, to live at Agnie.

26 Aug Father le Moine left Québec for Agnie, with the little gallicized Iroquois And some hurons.

28 Aug Father Poncet left for Onontagé.

29 Aug Father de la place arrived at Québec from three Rivers, at 9 o'clock in the evening.

31 Aug Monsieur Lepinè arrived from tadousac.


3 Sep Father Pijart arrived from Montréal in Monsieur Grovelle's bark.

end page 55

2 Sep The Onontagéronnons arrive at Eustache’s Cabin, and two of them at Québec.10 After

having been welcomed with 3 presents in the name of our 3 nations, and having promised that the next morning they would speak, they returned at the appointed time, saying that they had no Presents. The same day, 2 others came back to say that all, as many as they were, wished to come to Kebec. The Algonquins and hurons represented to them that, if any one of them should become‚ drunk, some disagreeable accident to the Onontagéronnons was to be feared; that the French would bind and plunder the Young Onontagéronnons who should steal the pumpkins, as they do with the Algonquins and the hurons; finally, that the Algonquin Ambassador would be very much grieved if any of them were ill-treated here. Thereupon, the Onontagéronnons grew vexed, saying that they would not come at all, but would, on the morrow, cross the River, and, on the following day, go up again. In fact, The next day, they returned to their Spring fort, near Master Nicolas’. But finally upon second thought, they commissioned 4 of their men to come and talk with the hurons especially, saying that they had already parleyed with the Algonquins the past summer at 3 Rivers. We gave them 8 or 10 sacks of corn.

6 Sep The Onontagéronnons make special Presents to the hurons, of 3 collars, besides some strings

of Porcelain, — with the result that the invite the latter to join their band, on

end page 57

account of a Father and of Kahikwan, the Algonquain Ambassador, who are to go with them to Onontagé.

9 Sep Our brother Nicolas Fauconier made his final vows in our Chapel, the father Superior

saying the Mass.

12 Sep At 8 o'clock in the evening, Father Poncet, and Messieurs The abbé‚ and d'alliboust,

returned from Montréal. The sieur abbé‚ took charge of the Curacy.

18 Sep Captain Poulet's vessel sailed from Québec with Monsieur Charni, Father Poncet , and our

brother Ambroise Cauvet.

23 Sep The abbé delivered a sermon against us.

26 Sep Captain tadourneau set sail.


2 Oct I went to see Monsieur The abbé, in order to testify to him the desire for peace.

3 Oct He paid me a visit for the same purpose.

6 Oct Boquet arrived in the evening with 8 Frenchmen, from Onontagé, without savages, and

brought us news of the murder committed on the 3rd Day of august, 4 Days' journey above Montréal, by the Onontagéronnons Upon the Hurons of Québec, who were going up with Father Ragueneau to Onontagé.

9 Oct It snows the whole morning.

15 Oct The last vessel sailed from Québec, and carried away Our brother pierre.

16 Oct A shallop arrived from 3 Rivers, which brought us the news that for 8 days a band of 10

Onontagéronnons or Oneiotchronons had

end page 59

been prowling about three Rivers and Québec, in order to kill some Alguonquins and hurons; and that, at the cap a labre, they had robbed 2 Frenchmen who were hunting.

20 Oct At 6 o'clock in the morning, Monsieur Lepinè arrived from Tadoussac.

Monsieur d'alliboust, governor, complains of me for the little Confidence which I have in him, saying that I do not impart to him the matters which concern the mission of Onontagé; and 1st, that I did not convey to him the 2 presents which Father Ragueneau had sent to me from Onontagé. These presents were addressed to Onontio, and offered by the Onontagéronnons, who said: " Onontio, We do not approve the murder committed upon the Hurons by our Youth, on the way Onontio, we pay for the damage which our Youth have done to the French settlements through robberies and killing the cattle. " Father drüillettes conveyed on my behalf the 2 Collars to Monsieur d'alleboust, 2 Days after.

21 Oct Monsieur the Governor held an assembly of the habitants, at which it was Resolved, by

common consent of all the habitants and of the Sieur Governor, that the French should defend themselves against the Insolence of both the upper and lower Iroquois; And that no one should be allowed to commit a Theft or robbery or any other act of hostility, under pretext of peace.

22 Oct I learned that three letters, — one from the father Superior, the second from father

end page 61

Mercier, and the 3rd from father Pijart, — all three addressed to Monsieur Lambert Closse, 11 who received them on the Way from Montréal to Québec, — happened to fall into the hands of Madame d'alleboust. After Sieur Lambert had read them, he laid them on the table at the fort of Québec, having gone thither to visit Monsieur the Governor and Madame the wife of the Governor. The latter took possession of them, and then showed them to Monsieur The Governor and to Monsieur The abbé‚ who was greatly piqued by them, because in the 2 last there were cutting words against him. Among other things, in the one from father Pijart, it was stated that this sieur is of a violent temper, and that we are carrying on a war more annoying than that of the Iroquois.

21 Oct .Sunday. Monsieur The Abbé‚ said, upon preaching hi s sermon: " Messieurs, before saying

a word to you concerning the gospel, I will give you A piece of advice. Some persons come to church, not to apply to themselves what they hear, but to criticize it and explain my Intentions. It Would be better for them to stay at home, and be Abed, with a good quartan fever. " Then he began the explanation of The gospel, which was, Cujus est Imago? wherein the Pharisees try to surprise Our Lord in his words. He thus made them speak: " Who, then, is this Jesus, this Newcomer, who makes himself beloved by the populace, who tries to discredit us ? For thirty or 40 years, we have governed the

end page 63

state and Religion. We have been accustomed to command, " etc. " Not wishing to speak to him themselves, They sent him a dealer in compliments. "

24 Oct At 4 o'clock in the evening, news arrived from three Rivers that Alguonquins have gone to

war against both the lower And the upper Iroquois, having learned that the Iroquois were the first to come thither; that two canoes of the latter had been seen in lake St. pierre, and An Encampment on the three Rivers; and that some Iroquois have plundered two Frenchmen at l'arbre a la Croix.

24 Oct Monsieur the governor assembled at the fort the Alguonquins And hurons, in order to

present to Them the 2 collars sent from Onontagé by Father Ragueneau. These 2 collars said: 1st, that the Elders had not had a hand in the treachery committed against the Hurons; 2nd, that they were intended to pay for the damages and the wrongs which the Youth of Onontagé had done to the French in their settlements.

The savages asked how they should Conduct themselves toward the upper and lower Iroquois. The answer was: 1st, that they would be free to defend themselves or to attack first; that it would, nevertheless, be proper for them not to make their attacks near our settlements. 2nd, that the French will Defend the Hurons And Algonquins within sight of the French houses. 3rd, that the French will not be the first to strike the blow, and will not

end page 65

first break the peace. 4th, all the French agree in everything, as stated above.

25 Oct At 6 o'clock in the evening, the Agnieronons robbed Monsieur Pinguet, senior, Even to his

shirt, while he was fishing for eels a little above Cap rouge. A huron of this band, taken at the island of Orleans two years ago, escaped and betook himself to Québec. (That was found false. )

25 Oct We learned from two Frenchmen, at 10 o'clock in the evening, that the Agnieronons were in

force, and that they were making a fort at cap rouge. (That was found false. )

28 Oct Monsieur The abbé‚, after having published the monitory on three several Sundays, Hurled

excommunication, at high mass, against Those who had burned The house of Monsieur Denis.


1 Nov In the morning, A canoe arrived at Québec from Montréal, which brought the news that

The Onontagéronnons or other savages had killed three Frenchmen, — to wit, Monsieur Nicolas Godet, St. Pere, And his servant.12 This was on the 25th of October.

3 Nov Geneviefve, a huron, died at the hospital, at 6 o'clock in the evening. Monsieur The

abbé‚.had given her the Viaticum, on all saints day, as also the garb of Religion. On all souls Day, he administered extreme unction; And, a little before dying, she took the vows of Religion, as she had desired. She

end page 67

was only 15 years old. She was buried the next day, Sunday, at the hospital, by Monsieur The abbé‚.

At 9 o'clock in the evening, sieur la Meslee brought 5 Agnieronons from three Rivers to Monsieur the Governor, in order to learn from them who were the murderers of the three Frenchmen killed at Montréal. These 5 agnieronons, with 6 other agnieronon, were taken by the French of three River, who had obliged them all by subtlety to enter the village, and seized them there. One of them defended himself Against Monsieur le Barbier, who, finding himself not strong enough to stop him, laid hold of his sword and struck the said Agnieronon with the point, which merely grazed the skin. The 5 mentioned above are lodged with Monsieur Cousture, and are shackled together, two by two.

3 Nov At the same time, we learned that the Alguonquins, 9 in Number, who had gone to war

against the Onontagéronnons, toward the islands of Richelieu, had returned with an Onontagéronnon Scalp.

4 Nov At 7 o'clock in the morning, Monsieur d'Alliboust, Governor,13 gave me word of this

News. He told me that he was of opinion that 2 agnieronons of the 11 prisoners should be Sent into their country, to warn their people of their detention and of the cause of it, — which was the murder of 3 Frenchmen by the savages, — And to learn definitely who were the murderers. About 11 o'clock in the morning, he assembled the principal habitants

end page 69

(none of our fathers was called, any more than to the other assemblies), and set before them the purpose of their meeting. The Conclusion was, that it was necessary to send two Agnieronons etc., — Ut Supra.

5 Nov Monsieur the governor communicates to the savages at the fort his resolution to send two of

the prisoners to agnièe, in order to apprise their people of the reason for the imprisonment of their Companions. The savages approve this design.

6 Nov Two prisoners are brought To us; they are told that we are sending them to Agnie.

7 Nov The next day They started in a shallop for three Rivers.

17 A shallop arrived from three Rivers, full of savages from the inland, who bring news that

their people have arrived there. They came to learn What was going on at Québec.

19 Nov Monsieur the governor takes counsel with the savages, to send for them and invite them to

come and winter at Québec.

At Noon, a canoe capsized before Québec; one of the two Frenchmen who were in it was drowned.!

20 Nov We learned by letters from three Rivers that the three Agnieronons, whom we were sending

to their own country in behalf of the above-mentioned affairs, left three Rivers on the 13th of November. They went in Company with some Frenchmen, who escorted them in a shallop as far as the first Sault in the River of Richelieu, for fear of a hostile encounter.

end page 71

This same Day, the 13th of November, 40 Canoes from the interior and 30 of ordinary Alguonquins arrived at three Rivers, the same of whom I have written above. 30 more canoes are expected before freezing weather.

22 Nov La Vigne,14 sergeant, brought to us — to Father Richard, in our House of Québec — a

writ to appear in court on the Following Tuesday, the 27th of the same month, and to make reply to the petition presented by Monsieur d'allet, in the name of Monsieur The abbé‚ quelus, to Monsieur Chartier, lieutenant- General of Québec.15 In this petition , he asks that the Jesuit Fathers be obliged to leave their house, in order that the abbé‚ might lodge there as Curé of the parish of Québec; or to refund the 6000 livres, given to them by the Community for building a clergy-house:16

18 Nov There was a dispute between messieurs of the Council of Québec and messieurs of the court

of Justice, — the latter wishing to march first 1st in the procession, and to be the first 1st to receive the blessed bread, counter to the Regulation which had been hitherto observed to the Contrary.

23 Nov Monsieur the governor sent notice to Monsieur Sevestre to pay the 5000 livres In beaver

which he owed to the warehouse. To this sieur sevestre we owed 8000 [livres], and an equal amount in beavers, which we could not pay just then to the sieur, — who, meanwhile, seeing himself hard pressed by Monsieur the governor, on his part continued to press us.

end page 73

After Sending for the savages of three Rivers, he had all the wares of the merchants of Québec seized, etc.

25 Nov The abbé‚ said in his sermon that he would have benediction of the blessed Sacrament every

Thursday in the year, and on Saturdays in advent, in honor of Our lady.

27 Nov The shallop returned from three Rivers without the savages; they were detained there by the



3 Dec We received A second summons to Appear in court for the lawsuit about the 6000 livres.

2 Dec St. Francis Xavier's feast falling on the 1st Sunday in advent, The office for the same was

postponed till Monday, the 3rd of the month. On Sunday, the 2nd of the month, we had benediction, beginning with iste Confessor, Magnificat, the anthem Alma, etc. On Monday, the 3rd of the month, Father Claude Pijart said high Mass at 9 o'clock, and preached; the mass was sung with music. At half past 2, vespers were said with music. Collation. All went well.

8 Dec Monsieur Sevestre died happily at noon, and was buried next day in the church.

25 Dec The Father Superior said the midnight mass; it was sung with music, which was worth

nothing. They forgot to sing the Te Deum at the beginning. Our chapel was quite full of people; many received Communion; the Alguonquins were present. The Hurons

end page 75

heard midnight mass at the hospital, — which was said by Father Mercier. — Father Pijart said It at the Ursulines'. We rang the 1st bell at eleven, the 2nd at half past eleven, and The last at a quarter to twelve. Our chapel was quite full of Lights, well arranged, and was very warm, both because the weather was mild, and on account of the fire that had been provided.

Antoine Waboukima gave me some letters from three Rivers. He had arrived on the evening before Christmas.

26 Dec 2 Frenchmen arrived from three Rivers, la perle and la motte.

On the 9th of December, a tavern was set up at three rivers, at which wine was sold to the savages,-two pots for a winter beaver and one pot for a summer beaver. ,. . . This tavern was opened by Monsieur de la Poterie, with the consent of some of the habitants; but, as disorderly acts were not stopped by this device, complaints were raised against that tavern, insomuch that Monsieur de la Poterie was obliged to send to Québec, in order to learn the will of Monsieur the governor with regard to that Tavern. The Conclusion was, that it must not be continued. Nevertheless, it was Continued.

31 Dec I went to greet Monsieur The abbé‚ who is Sick, and wished him good day, and, in advance,

a happy new-year.

end page 77




RELATION OF 1656 - 57




SOURCE: We follow a copy of the original Cramoisy (H, 110), in possession of The Burrows Brothers Company Cleveland. In this volume appear chaps. i - xwi; the rest of the document will be given in Volume XLIV.


end page 81


end page 83

To the Reverend Father, Father Louis Cellot

Provincial of the Society of JESUS in

the Province of France.


Pax Christi.

Of the five or six ships which sailed to New France last Spring, the first that returned brought me Letters from Father Jean de Quen, the Superior of our Missions in those Countries, which inform me that he was to send to Your Reverence the complete Relations of what has occurred during the past year in our Missions, some sheets of which he forwarded me in advance, Now, the Ship to which it had been confided was taken by the Spaniards, and all the Letters on board were throw into the Sea; and this has compelled me to gather together, in the little Book which present to Your Reverence, all that could be recovered of those Letters and of some other Memoirs which reached us too late last year. Those who, for the sake of our Lord's ,glory, take an interest in the conversion of the infidels, will be glad to see that our Fathers, following in the footsteps of those of our Society who for some years past have been broiled, roasted, and eaten by the Iroquois, have made their way into the country of the Cannibals, with less fear of their treachery and Cruelty than love and zeal for ,gaining them to JESUS CHRIST. The Father who has draw Up these Memoirs which have received asserts that he, who should attempt to be guided by purely human prudence, in whatever he does among these peoples, would never ,effect much for their salvation. It

end page 85

is necessary to expose oneself to the dangers of earthly fires, in order to deliver them from the fires of Hell; it is necessary to cast oneself into captivity, in order to secure their freedom; it is necessary to endure hunger, thirst, and nakedness, in order to nurish and clothe them with JESUS CHRIST. It is impossible to conceive all that we suffered on a very long and very rough journey, during which we were continually beset by dangers of death in divers ways; finally, we landed on the edge of a forest which we had to cut away by dint of many heavy blows of our axes, in order to make room for the settlement that we wish to establish. But these great forests were guarded, during the Summer, by little winged Dragons, — I mean, by innumerable legions of mosquitoes and Gnats, all very thirsty for blood that they had never tasted; we were compelled to give way to them during the night, and to sleep on the rocks, on the shore of a lake, exposed to the air, to the wind, and frequently the rain. These labors — during the performance of which our only sustenance consisted of a little meal of Indian corn, boiled in clear water — prostrated nearly all of us. More than fourty-eight of our people fell sick. We had to lodge under rocks, where we had little room, that we lay almost in a heap, one upon another. While one was burning with the heat of fever,

another shivered with cold; and so to console, we were often told, by people in various places, that men were coming to kill us, and that we would be soon delivered from all our ills. Quotide morimur, et ecce vivimus, — we were dying daily, and behold, we are still alive, thanks to God! It is true that they who thirst for the salvation of souls, which is never effected except through the cross, will find here something wherewith to satisfy themselves. But one must fear nothing; God is everywhere; here his presence is felt more clearly, with

end page 87

scarcely any alloy of created things. Finally, salutem ex inimicis nostris, et de manu omnium qui odererunt nos, — ‘he has saved us through our enimies themselves, and by the hands of those very men who hated us in death.’ We walk with head erect; they succored us in our needs; we preached, we catechized, we baptized publicly in their towns. There, chapels are built; ther, God is involked; ther, holy mass is said; there the sacrements are received; there a great many Iroquois openy profess the Faith of JESUS CHRIST. In a word, Deus Dominus illuxit nobis, — it is God who is the author, of this great light." This, my Reverend Father, is what you will see detailed in this Relation; and, doubtless, it will induce Your Reverence, and all those who love the Church of Jesus Christ, to pray for those poor peoples, and for those who labor for their conversion, as also for him who is

Your Reverence’s

Very humble and very obedient

servant in our Lord,


of the Society of JESUS

At the College of Clermont,

this 1st of December, 1657

end page 89

Table of the Chapters contained in this Book.

RELATION of what occurred in New france, in the years 1656 and 1657 . page 1

CHAP. I. Embassy of the Sonnontoeronnon Iroquois thwarted by the Agnieronnon

Iroquois . . . . . . . . 1

CHAP. II. Design of the Agnieronnon Iroquois against the Huron colony on the isle of

Orleans . . . . . . . . 6

The Hurons an the island of Orleans attacked by the Agnieronnon Iroquois . .page 15, i.e., 13

Journey of the fathers of our Society, and of some Frenchmen, of the country of the upper

Iroquois, called Onnontoeronnons . . . . . 21

Our arrival at the place where we had determined of establish our abode, and the reception

given us by the ,people of the country . . . . 45

A portion of the Hurons ,go to dwell at Agnié . . . . . 68

A another ,portion of the Hurons ,go of dwell at Onontagé . . . . 77

Of the journey of Father Simon Le Moyne to the country of the Agnieronnons . . 84

Of the residence of St. Joseph at the Cove of Sillery . . . . . 92

Of the Huron Savages before their removal from the island of Orleans . . . 104

Of the nature and of some peculiarities of the Iroquois country . . . 119

Of the character and customs of the Iroquois . . . . . 124

Of the mutual tokens of friendship between us and the Iroquois . . . 134

end page 91

Of the dispositions of the Iroquois toward the Faith . . . . . 139

Of the first seeds of Faith sown among the Iroquois . . . . . 150

Of the Preaching of the Faith to the Oiogoenhronon Iroquois . . . . 157

Of the preaching of the Faith to the Sonnontouehronnon Iroquois . . . 166

Of the preaching of the Faith to the Onneiouthronnon Iroquois . . . 171

Of the preaching of the Faith to the Onnontagehronnon Iroquois . . . 166

Of the fresh hope for the progress of the Faith in the Missions of New France . . 183

Letter written to Reverend Father Louis Callot, Provencial of the Society of JESUS in the

Provence of France by Father François le Mercier of the same Society . . 189

Latest news of what has occurred in New France . . . . . 201

end page 93


end page 95


end page 97

[I] Relation of what occurred in the Mission of

the Fathers of the Society of JESUS in the

countries of New France, from the

Summer of the year 1656, to the

Summer of the year 1657.





WE have frequently stated in our Relations of the past years that there are five Iroquois Nations, of whom the three principal ones [2] are the Sonnontoeronnons, who are the most numerous, and the most distant from the French; the Onnontoeronnons, among whom we have lately commenced a good Mission; and the Agnieronnons, who trade with the Dutch, neighbors to New England. On the 8th of September of the year 1655; Father Joseph Chaumont and Father Claude d'Ablon started from Québec, to reconnoiter the country of the Sonnontoeronnons, who urged us to go and teach them, and to establish a French settlement in their country. Their journey was fully described in last year's Relation. Shortly after their departure from Québec, three personages of importance arrived from Sonnontoan, the country of the Sonnontoeronnons; they informed us that the minds of their nation were inclined to peace, and that next winter they would

end page 99

come in good number to contract an inviolable alliance with us, and with the Hurons and Algonquins. a mutual interchange of presents took place, according to the custom of [3] these peoples, after which one of the three resolved to spend the winter with us, to serve as a hostage for their fidelity. The two others set out at the beginning of November of the same year, 1655, in order to carry more promptly to their own country the happy news of the welcome that they had received.

These two Ambassadors were killed on their return journey, as we learned when, three or four leagues above Montréal, one of the dead bodies was found, all covered with wounds and blood. Suspicion of this murder could fall on none but the Agnieronnon Iroquois, who are jealous of the friendship which the other Iroquois nations seek to form with us, and endeavor to thwart it by every possible means.

This did not prevent us from seeing here, at the beginning of the month of January, 1656, the

Embassy of which word had been sent us.

It consisted, altogether, of ten men, the chief of whom was one of the leading Captains of their entire country, from fifty [4] to sixty years of age, — a wise man, and one skilled in such matters, eloquent beyond expectation, whose heart was entirely French and who was already won over to the faith.

Of the twenty-one presents that he gave, the richest and most striking was the one by which he loudly proclaimed that his entire nation wished to be instructed; that, for that reason, they asked for some of the Fathers of our Society, and desired those blessings which are enjoyed only after death, and of

which the many Christian Hurons who were living

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as captives with them spoke with such esteem that the hearts of many among them were already Christian before they themselves had become Christians.

The designs of Heaven are no less adorable than they are hidden. This Captain — upon whom, after God, our hopes were resting — was snatched from us in an instant. These Ambassadors had gone, for sport, to hunt e Beaver between three Rivers and Québec, while waiting the end of the winter to set out on their return journey. A band of Agnieronnon Iroquois, [5] who came at the same time to hunt men, chanced upon heir tracks, and, surprising that Captain in a lonely place, without approaching him closely enough to recognize him, killed him with a gunshot which pierced his heart.

After this blow, which was sufficient to cause war between those two Iroquois Nations, they both retained the confidence which they had in us; for they knew that our hearts were open to all the tribes of these countries, and they regarded our French as a neutral Nation and our settlement as a place of safety In fact, a and of Algonquin warriors happening to be at three Rivers at the same time as the Agnieronnon, their mortal enemy, they conversed peaceably with each other, joyfully regaled themselves together, and, to behold them, one would have thought that they were friends. It is not a bad omen when the Wolf and the Lamb dwell under the same roof. When the Lion and the Sheep feed together, it is a sign that JESUS CHRIST wishes to be their Shepherd.

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ON the twenty- fifth day of the month of April, 1656, two Agnieronnon Iroquois slipped through the woods below Québec, at a place where there is an abundance of water-fowl; two Hurons landed from a canoe, and were each received with a gunshot. One fell dead on the spot; the other, though severely wounded, had nevertheless sufficient courage and strength to push his canoe into the water, and was fortunate enough to escape.

On hearing news of this, twenty Hurons embarked at once, to cut off at some place the murderers, who had fled by land. At a distance of over twenty leagues from there, [7] they found some tracks on the bank of our great river, and overtook their prey; but, as these two fugitives had separated from each other only one was captured. He was taken to the Island of Orleans, where he was condemned to death and to the fire, which doubtless he richly deserved.

We did, by gentle means, all that could be done to have his life spared, in order that he might be made use of to turn away a band of three hundred Agnieronnon Iroquois, by whom we knew that the Huron Colony on the Island of Orleans was threatened. But their minds were too hot with resentment at a crime which they had so recently seen committed before their very eyes, and for which the father and

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mother of the deceased urgently demanded justice. They were the wealthiest people of all the Huron: village, and were weeping at the loss of their only son, who was a young man, full of good qualities, destined for the office of Captain; within two years he had spared the lives of five Agnieronnons, whom

he had made prisoners of war.

[8] On the same day, while they were burning that Iroquois prisoner, — who was fortunate in his misfortune, inasmuch as he received Baptism and died a Christian, some Frenchmen from three Rivers met, at a distance of ten or twelve leagues from there, the three hundred Agnieronnons who were coming to fall upon the Hurons. Those warriors treated our French kindly; they gave them some of their game, and on parting they presented them with some Porcelain beads, in order that information of their expedition might not be sent from three Rivers to Québec.

On the following day, three of their Captains came themselves to three Rivers, to learn where it was desired that they should camp, and to protest that they wished to continue the Peace with us. -

In order to check them on the way by gentle means, the Governor of three Rivers gave them three fine presents, begging them to return to their own country, because, as they were at peace with us, and as the Hurons were likewise our allies, we must spare the blood and the lives of both.

[9] The Iroquois replied with eight presents of Porcelain beads, the four most remarkable‚ of which were as follows.

Their Chief showed a great collar of Porcelain beads, and said: " Here is an iron chain, larger

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around than the trees that grow in our forests, which shall bind the Dutch, the French, and the Agnieronnons together. The thunder and lightning of heaven shall never break that chain. "

With another present he said: " I know Onnontio's mind. I know that the Frenchman is truthful in his promises. If I see any one of my people killed on the River, I will have no suspicion that it was through the treachery of the French. I beg thee also to believe the same of me; and, if any Frenchman be found killed in a secluded place, do not accuse the Agnieronnon Iroquois of it. Our hands will be innocent of it, and will not betray our hearts, which breathe but Peace. "

" Whenever any misfortune, " he said with another present, " shall happen to the French or to the Agnieronnon, we will mingle our weeping and our tears, and [10] our hearts shall have the same sentiments; for I have henceforth but one heart with thee. "

With the last of these presents he said: " I obey Onnontio. I return to my own country, and this time my hatchet will not be reddened with the blood of the Hurons. But I also wish the Frenchman to obey me in one thing; that is, to close the doors of his houses and of his forts against the Onnontageronnon, who wishes to be my enemy, and who is hatching some plot of war against me."

The giving of these presents was over, but the meeting had not yet dispersed, when three canoes were observed coming from above. It was Jean Baptiste Ochionagueras, an Onnontageronnon Captain, who had embraced the faith two years before, and, as his heart had become quite French, had

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vigorously aided in securing the Peace between us and the upper Iroquois Nations.

When the Agnieronnon Iroquois saw that captain — whom they knew to be a man of great renown, and a distinguished warrior — they begged our French not to let him know anything of the present which they had just made, — [11] asking us to close out doors against the Onnontageronnons and not to enter into an alliance with them.

On the following day, we received information at Québec of all that was passing at three Rivers through special messengers, who accomplished thirty leagues in one day, with such good luck that they eluded all the vigilance of the Agnieronnon Iroquois, who had stationed pickets on all the roads to bar the way.

It was considered necessary for the public welfare; to send one of our Fathers to meet those three hundred Agnieronnons, in order to check their advance; for we suspected that, contrary to their word, they would persist in their design to push on as far as the Island of Orleans, and would avenge the death of the Agnieronnon Iroquois who had been burned there within the past few days.

Father Simon le Moyne, who loves the Iroquois and is tenderly beloved by them, was fortunately in Québec at the time, and in less than an hour he was ready to start without delay. [12] At midnight, he meets on his way some Iroquois canoes which guard the approaches and watch for whatever may happen. He is taken into a palisade, about half a league distant, where the main body are camped. He gives them ten presents, to induce them to abandon their design and retrace their steps. After protracted

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deliberations, they tell him that his voice has an all-powerful effect on them; and, to convince him of it by deeds more than by words, they utter a yell in the camp which disbands all the troops, — that is to say, it is a signal for the small bands, which usually consist of ten or twelve men, to scatter. Some go one way, to hunt for moose; others go in another direction, to hunt for beaver; some, to the number of three or four, pretend to go on a hostile raid, to strike a blow in some isolated spot. The majority, they say, return to their country.

This news caused joy in Québec, and gave some assurance to the Hurons on the Island of Orleans; [13] it did not, however, dispel all their fears. They still felt some distrust of the treacherous spirit of the Agnieronnon; would to God that it had been greater. See the tenth Chapter.

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ON the 18th of May, 1656, those perfidious foes concealed themselves in the woods, ten or twelve leagues above Québec, where they could see without being seen. They allowed a band of French and Savages to pass, who were on their way to the country of the Onnontoeronnons. But their hands itched, and, their habituation to massacre goading them on, they fell upon some canoes that formed the rear-guard; they wounded, they captured, they pillaged, they ill-treated those who were in the canoes. But, finally, when the Onontoeronnons and the French began to threaten them, those treacherous assailants pretended that they had made a mistake. [14] As we shall see in the following Chapter, they gave up their prisoners, but on the condition that they should continue their journey, and that not a single one of them should be allowed to go down to Québec.

When this storm had passed, our People pursued their voyage along the great River Saint Lawrence. But, on the night of the nineteenth to the twentieth of the same month of May, those wretches, under cover of that very dark night, descended the river noiselessly, and passed before Québec without being perceived. They landed, before daylight, below the Huron village; and, after hiding their canoes in the

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woods, they scattered in all directions, stationing themselves at the approaches to the fields that were

then being sown with Indian corn.

In the morning, all the Christian Hurons attended Mass according to their custom, and, happily, most of them confessed themselves. A party issued forth to work; the enemies in ambush fell upon them, massacred some on the spot, and carried off others as prisoners. The [15] remainder took refuge in our House, which is surrounded by a palisade, easily defended, and fortified for such emergencies.

After this defeat, the enemies withdrew toward the South. They had about forty canoes which appeared on our great river, taking, on their return, the same route that they had followed during the night to strike that unfortunate blow. Our loss consisted of seventy-one persons, including a large number of young women who were the flower of that Colony.

The French on the Island of Orleans, who were encountered by those Barbarians, were not made prisoners; for the Iroquois said that they were at Peace with us. This did not prevent them from pillaging some abandoned houses, for which they have since offered excuses, condemning on the one hand the insolence of their young men, who throughout the earth are difficult to restrain when heated by victory; and, on the other hand, accusing those of our French who had abandoned their houses, because, they said, they had taken fright [16] unnecessarily. It is true that the Iroquois respected the places which they found inhabited, even by women alone, and behaved there with all possible gentleness.

This misfortune happened on Saturday, the twentieth day of May, if, indeed, the ills of this life be

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misfortunes when God derives from them his glory and the salvation of his elect.

Among the captive Hurons there were eleven members of the Congregation who, in the extremity of their misery, did not lose the spirit of piety. One of them was Jacques Oachonk, then the Prefect of the Congregation, and the most fervent of all our Christians.

When that good Christian found himself a prisoner, instead of singing of his warlike achievements, according to custom, he took for the subject of his song what he had most at heart. " Do not pity me, " he said; " do not consider me unfortunate; I shall be happy in heaven. I fear not fires which my blood can extinguish; I fear the fire of hell which never dies out. This life is nothing to me, when [17] my thoughts carry me to Heaven. " He sang this chant in so powerful a voice, that he made himself heard at a distance of nearly half a league, and the water and wind bore his words to our ears. He consoled the others, and encouraged them to bear their sufferings. While he was being burned in every part of the body — with hatchets heated red-hot in the fire, and with blazing firebrands — he uttered not a cry, or any complaint of the cruelty which made him suffer death a thousand times before dying once. He prayed to God in the midst of the flames, and said aloud that, when he raised his eyes to Heaven with the words, "JESUS, have pity on me, " he felt each time an alleviation of his pains, with an increase of strength and courage.

We have learned all the particulars from another Christian who was a captive with him, named Joachim Ondakont. He was himself in the flames with

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Jacques, and admired his constancy and his truly Christian spirit amid the tortures.

This Joachim was the principal man among all those who had been taken captive; [18] he was a great warrior, and his life had been but a series of victories and combats, in which his bravery had very often saved him, contrary to all expectations. On this last occasion, he had already been burned up to the waist, his fingers had been cut off, and he was all covered with blood. On the night which was to be his last, he was awaiting the dawn of the day on which his torture was to be ended. The cabin in which he had been burned was filled with as many executioners as there were Iroquois in it, of whom more than fifty were guarding him. Sleep overcoming them, he was fortunate enough to break his bonds, and to make his way out. Finding himself at liberty, with his body all naked and torn, without food, without weapons, and without assistance, he walked for fifteen entire days, through devious paths, to find safety in losing himself. His strength was exhausted when he reached the shores of the great lake of the Iroquois, where, by good fortune, he met the band of French who were going g to Onnontagé. Had it not been for them, he would have died; with their help, his life was saved. They gave him some food, a canoe, [19] and a young man, a Huron, whom they detached from their party, and with whose assistance he was enabled to finish his journey and come to Québec.

Previous to his misfortune, this man's fervor had relaxed, and he seemed to be only half a Christian, even glorying in showing that he had no esteem for the Faith or for the Christians. But, when he saw

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that in God alone can consolation, patience, and joy be found, even in the midst of tortures, his sentiments became so happily changed that he cannot sufficiently bless God, or sufficiently praise the Christians, in whom he has observed, in this emergency, examples of a virtue beyond reproach.

One of the Fathers of our Society happened to be at Three Rivers when the Iroquois passed on their return, and was fortunately impelled to go and visit those good Christians in the bonds of their captivity in the enemy's camp. He was so greatly consoled thereby, that he wrote of it in the following terms:

" Bene omnia fecit. In truth, my Reverend [20] Father, the judgments of God are wonderful. I have seen the flower of the Huron Congregation carried away into captivity by the Infidels, with many others whose devotion would appear extraordinary even in a Cloister. Praise be to him forever, since Bene omnia fecit. You may judge how deeply this has afflicted me, since I had so great an affection for that poor nation. I had the happiness of visiting them three times in the Iroquois camp, about half a league from Three Rivers. I confessed them all, after making them pray to God. Assuredly, faith reigns in their hearts; never have they been more fervent or bold in manifesting their devotion, than on that occasion, in the presence of all the Iroquois. And these showed no aversion to prayer; for, when I seized the opportunity on five or six occasions, in various cabins, to say a word about Paradise and Hell, they always listened to me with great respect.

" I found among them a young woman, eighteen years of age, named Agnes [21] Aoendoens, who was

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baptized by the late Father Jean de Brebeuf, and whom I heard in Confession. Truly, I have never seen any one more innocent; a person shut up in a Cloister could not preserve her piety better. In short, I cannot find words which would express to you all that passed on that occasion. " That is what the Father has written to us.

Not more than eight days had elapsed since he had left those good Christians on the Island of Orleans, where he had dwelt with them for a year; and his obedience took him away from them solely that he might join those who were going to Onnontaghe.

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AS these people had asked for us, we sent, in the year 1655 , two Fathers of our Society to their country, to ascertain their dispositions toward the [22] Faith and their inclinations toward the French. After associating with them for about six months, — as set forth in the Relation of last year, — one of the two came down to Québec. Although he spoke favorably of the good will of those Iroquois, nevertheless he did not efface from our minds the distrust of their perfidy and treachery that we had, with reason, conceived. Thus, when it became necessary to cast the bell, as the saying is, and to decide upon the establishment of a Mission and a residence in their country, we found ourselves extremely perplexed, as also did Monsieur our Governor, upon whom the matter devolved at the very start. We fully examined the reasons both for and against; and found very strong and forcible arguments on both sides. We were aware that falsehood, deceit, and treachery were almost as natural to those people as life itself. We knew how much they were addicted and accustomed to bloodshed, fire, and carnage. We remembered the destruction of [23] our poor Huron Churches, and the cruelties which

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they had practiced on our worthy Algonquins. We had before our eyes the horrible tortures which they had inflicted upon several of our Fathers, whom they had burned at a slow fire, applying hatchets heated red- hot to the most sensitive parts of their bodies, pouring upon their wounds kettlefuls of boiling water in derision of Baptism, and cutting off great strips of their roasted flesh, which they ate in their presence. The fury that animates those Barbarians whispered in our ears that they were preparing the same for us.

A captive Huron, who had escaped from the village of Onontagé, made his appearance while we were in the midst of our deliberations. He assured us that he had studied the minds of those people and had penetrated their thoughts, and that their sole design was to attract to their country as many French and Hurons as possible, and then to kill them in a general massacre. He advanced such strong g arguments in support of his opinion, that his Huron countrymen, who had resolved, and had promised the Onnontoeronnons, to go to their country and to [24,] accompany us thither, retracted their word. They told us that zeal for the Faith would cause our death, and conjured us, by the love that they bore us, not to cast ourselves into so manifest a danger.

In addition to this cause of fear, the Agnieronnon Iroquois, with whom we had recently concluded a treaty of Peace, manifested a jealousy almost verging on fury, because we wished to dwell with those people; for it was greatly to the benefit of their trade, that the Onnontoeronnons should always be compelled to pass through their country.

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Moreover, as those Nations have no need of the French, and are under no restraint, either as regards God, whom they know not, or human Authority, — which Has control over them only so far as it serves their own interest, — we saw that they might put us to death with impunity in a fit of passion.

All this, added to the dangers and difficulties of the road, and to the excessive and frightful expenses that would have to be incurred [25] to commence and maintain this undertaking, caused us extreme anxiety. Even if the axiom were ever true, that there is one fear capable of shaking a constant Soul, all these causes for dread could not inspire us with the slightest terror. However, we paid no heed; we resolved to grant to those people what they so urgently asked, and to establish ourselves in the heart of their country, whatever might betide. Here are the reasons that induced us to do so.

One was grounded upon the authority and the opinion of Monsieur our Governor, who saw very well that it was necessary to perish in order not to perish; and to expose oneself to dangers of all kinds, in order to avoid all dangers. We had been warned that, if we rebuffed those Barbarians by refusing what they so urgently demanded, they intended to unite at once with the Agnieronnons, to fall upon the French, to wage endless war against them, and, if possible, to exterminate them entirely. We [26] were not at that time in a position to withstand the revolt of all those tribes, without running a greater danger than that of exposing a handful of French, whose resolution might exercise some restraint over those peoples in their own country.

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The other reason arose from a consideration more divine than human. The Fathers of our Society — who thus far have never paled at the sight of their own blood, or feared the fires and the fury of the Iroquois in their most horrible tortures — said that they would surely, before their death, baptize a number of dying persons equal to their own; in such case, they said, by giving their bodies for Souls, they would lose nothing by the exchange. They cited the example of the Apostles, who fully expected to lose their lives in the pagan countries whither they went to preach their Master, and yet they failed not to go there. They mentioned that common Axiom: Sanguis Martyrum semen est Christianorum. " The blood shed for the Faith by the Iroquois, " they said; " cries out to [27] God, not for vengeance, but for blessing and pardon for those very Iroquois. " We must confide in him who never abandons those who wholly abandon themselves for his glory; and neither the fury nor the treachery of the Barbarians, nor the excessive expense should delay that foremost of all occupations, the conversion of Souls. God who is the Master of the Great and of the lowly, of the French and of the Iroquois, will touch the hearts of the Unbelievers to make them receive the Gospel, and those of the Believers to facilitate the preaching thereof.

Finally, the conclusion was reached, in consideration of the above and of many other reasons, that it was necessary to take the field and to give the Onnontoeronnons the satisfaction which they demanded. No sooner said than done. A goodly number of French prepared to embark, with Father René Menard, Father Claude d'Ablon, Father Jacques

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Fremin, Brother Ambroise Broar, and Brother Joseph Boursier, — whom Reverend Father François le Mercier, Superior of the Missions of our Society in these countries, [28] took with him to wage war against the Demons in their very Stronghold, and to consecrate those peoples and the whole of their country to JESUS CHRIST. But let us follow with eye and mind him who has traced their journey for us on paper, and who was one of the party.

WE started from Québec on the 17th of May, 1656. Our Main body comprised four Nations, — some French; some Onnontoeronnons, who had come for us; some Sonnontoeronnons, who had come to contract an alliance with us; and some Hurons. We filled two large shallops and several canoes. As we left port, we were followed by the acclamations of a multitude, from various peoples, who stood on the bank. Many of them looked upon us with compassion and with trembling hearts, considering us as so many victims destined to the fires and the fury of the Iroquois.

Such a misfortune nearly happened to us on the day following our departure. Our shallops had anchored at night, twelve leagues or thereabouts above [29] Québec, near a place called the Point of Sainte Croix. We all resolved to land there on the following morning, for the purpose of celebrating Holy Mass. Our Sailors forgot this resolution; they raised anchor before daylight and thus obliged us to continue our journey. The danger was very great; for, at the same spot, three hundred Agnieronon Iroquois lay hidden, who could have captured us without a fight and without resistance, because our

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People would have landed unarmed, believing that those Treacherous foes had returned to their own country, as they had promised to our French at Lake Saint Pierre, above three Rivers. We escaped that danger without knowing it. The Barbarians did not show themselves, although they saw us very well; but they fell upon our canoes that were separated from us. They upset one into the River; they slightly wounded one of our Brethren with two gunshots; they tied and bound the Hurons; they ill-treated the Onnontoeronnons, both by word and deed, [30] for they could not brook our alliance with them. But, in the end, fear of becoming involved in a war with that people, who manifested their just indignation, cooled their anger, and compelled them to have recourse to apologies; they alleged that they thought at first that the canoes were filled only with Hurons, with whom they are not at peace. Afterward, they set every one at liberty, including the Hurons. Those who had escaped at the beginning of the fray, ran naked through the woods, overtook our shallops, and informed us of what was passing, Every one immediately rushed to arms. We observed twelve canoes, rapidly paddling toward us, and thought that they were the Advance-guard of the enemy; but, as we were preparing to receive them, we saw that they were our own People who had not much reason for satisfaction at having separated from our shallops.

We reached Three Rivers on the 20th of May, and left there on the 29th. On the 31st, we arrived at the settlement [31] of Montréal, whence a canoe was dispatched on the first day of June, to give notice of our coming to the Village of Onnontaghé.

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On the eighth of June, we embarked in twenty canoes; the shallops could no longer be of use beyond Montréal, on account of the rapids and Falls which are encountered on leaving that settlement. We had not proceeded two leagues, when a band of Agnieronon Iroquois saw us from afar. Mistaking us for Algonquins and Hurons, they were seized with fear, and fled into the woods; but, when they recognized us, on seeing our flag - which bore the Name of JESUS in large letters, painted on fine white taffeta - flying in the air, they approached us. Our Onnontaeronnon Americans received them with a thousand. insults, reproaching them with their treachery and brigandage; then they fell upon their canoes, stole their arms, and took the best of all their equipment. They said that they did this by way of reprisal; for they themselves had been pillaged [32] a few days before by the same tribe. That was all the consolation gained by those poor wretches in coming to greet us.

Entering Lake Saint Louis, one of our canoes was broken, an accident which happened several times during our voyage. We landed, and our Ship Carpenters found everywhere material enough wherewith to build a vessel in less than a day,-that is, our Savages had no difficulty in procuring what was needed to make the gondolas which carried our baggage and ourselves. The Architects of this country build their Houses, Palaces, and Ships much more rapidly than those of Europe; and, if one be not lodged there so sumptuously, still one often dwells there in greater comfort and gladness.

We killed a number of Elk, and of the Deer which our French call " wild Cows. " On the thirteenth of

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June and the three following days, we found ourselves in currents of water so rapid and strong that we were at times compelled to get into the water, in order to drag behind us, [33] or carry on our shoulders, our boats and all our baggage. We were wet through and through; for, while one half of our bodies was in the water, the sky saturated the other with a heavy rain. We exerted all our strength against the wind and the torrents, with even more joy of heart than fatigue of body.

On the seventeenth of the same month, we found ourselves at one end of a Lake which some confound with Lake Saint Louis. We gave it the name of Saint François, to distinguish it from the one that precedes it. It is fully ten leagues long and three or four leagues wide in some places, and contains many beautiful islands at its mouths. The great river Saint Lawrence, widening and spreading its waters at various points, forms those beautiful Lakes, and then, narrowing its course, it once more assumes the name of River.

On the twentieth of June, we passed the grand Saut. Five fawns killed by our hunters, and [34] a hundred Catfish taken by our fishermen, made our troubles easier to bear. Our larder was as well stocked with meat and fish at that time, as it was deficient in everything at the end of our journey.

On the twenty-fifth, after celebrating holy Mass, we baptized a child, of which the wife of one of our Onnontoeronnon guides was delivered on the way; this did not prevent her from proceeding with the rest through a downpour of rain, which accompanied us all day and the whole of the following night.

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Toward evening some hunters perceived us, and, on seeing so many canoes in our company, they fled, leaving behind them some booty for our People, who seized their weapons, their beaver-skins, and all their baggage. But, capturing one of those hunters, we found that he belonged to the tribe of the Andastaeronnons, with whom we are not at war. Our French, therefore, gave back to them what they had plundered; this, however, did not induce our Savages to display the same civility.

[35] On the 26th, at about nine o'clock in the evening, we heard a human voice, loud, indeed, but wailing. We suspected that it must proceed from some escaped captive. Monsieur du Puis,17 a brave Gentleman who commanded our French soldiers, ordered the drum to be beaten, to show him that we were French. The poor man, who had not dared to approach us, ran toward us as fast as he could, on hearing the noise. He was a Huron, named Joachim Ondakont, of whom we have spoken in the third Chapter. He was nothing but skin and bones. He had escaped half burned From the country of the Agnieronnons, and had walked for seventeen days amid the woods and rocks, with no other food than some small wild fruits. Our people made hiin drink a certain beverage to prepare his stomach, that he might eat without danger after starving so long. We gave him a canoe and some provisions, to enable him to go down to the French settlements.

On the 27th of June, we passed the last rapid, which is half-way [36] between Montréal and Onnontagé,- that is, at a distance of forty or fifty leagues from both places.

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On the 29th, after traveling night and day because our stock of provisions was getting very low, we met three canoes of Annieronnons returning from manhunting, who brought back with them the scalps of four Savages of the Neds-percez Nation, and a woman and two children as captives.

On the first of ,July, we perceived and gave chase to a canoe; when we overtook it we found that it belonged to the village of Onnontaghé. We were told that we were expected there, and that Father Joseph Chaumont, who had remained there alone, was in good health.

On the third day, we began to be oppressed by hunger, and endeavored to reach a place called Otiatannehengué, — a locality greatly renowned for the large quantities of fish that are taken there every year. We hoped to meet a good number of fishermen there, and to obtain some relief from them. Monsieur du Puis, before arriving there, ordered [37] two small pieces of cannon to be mounted in the canoes and discharged, to give notice that we were not far off; but the fishing season was over in that quarter, and we found no one there. This compelled our Guides to send a man in advance, traveling night and day, to carry the news of our arrival to Qnnontaghé, and to have provisions sent to meet us. As this Courier could not return very soon, because he had still a distance of thirty leagues to go, we sent some French to a nearer place; but the fish had gone, and so had the fishermen, and neither the nets that we cast into the water, nor all our industry, could avail us aught. Meanwhile, hunger held us by the throat; and, to crown our affliction, our

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Father Superior had fallen ill some time before. We I had no other bed to give him than the earth, and no other shelter than the sky. In all our Hostelries, we found neither bread, nor wine, nor meat, nor fish. God [38] gave us a small wild fruit, called here Atoka. The young people went to gather it in the neighboring meadows, and, although it is neither palatable nor substantial, hunger made us find it excellent. It is almost of the color and size of a small cherry.18

Our Savages, although accustomed to remain for two or three days without food, were not content with such slender and light repasts, and their number decreased daily. Thus, out of the forty with whom we had started, there remained only five, who assured us that they would never abandon us. The Sonnontoeronnons left us here. We gave them two presents of a thousand Porcelain beads; one, to prepare the way to their country for us; the other, to enable them to forget the trouble and fatigue that they had undergone in coming to seek the alliance of the French, and to induce them to receive us well when we should go to see them. We privately gave two coats and some other small presents to the chief men, to gain their good will.

[39] On the fifth and sixth of July, we caught some fish; but they were so few, that we could give only a rather small pike as a meal for sixty men.

On the seventh, about it ten .o'clock at night, we reached the mouth of the River which forms Lake Gannentaa, on the shores of which we intended to establish our residence. When we awoke on the following day, we encountered currents of water so

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rapid, that we had to exert all our strength and paddle vigorously in order to ascend. I must admit that the faces of most of us, already wan and emaciated, appeared dejected to an extraordinary degree. At night, all our company lay down, having taken nothing but a drop of brandy; and, in the morning, we had to start out and contend all day long against breakers, which made us recede almost as far as we advanced. In fact, we made only a league that day; for some of our people fell ill, and the others lost courage, owing to their weakness. God's providence is admirable; [40] deducit ad inferos et reducit. In this state of complete dejection, we observed a canoe, loaded with provisions, coming toward us, which seemed to be propelled by wings instead of paddles. The sight cured nearly all our sick; our strength returned to us through our eyes; and our fatigue did not wait to disappear until we should have rested. The sight alone restored us to joy and health. We landed; and he who was the Master of the convoy, after a short greeting, presented us, on behalf of the Elders and of Father Chaumont, with some sacks of Indian corn and some large Salmon that had just been cooked. This small canoe was followed by two larger ones, as well filled as the first. We give thanks to God for granting us a succor so greatly needed. On every side, Kettles are hanging over the fire, and there is naught but rejoicing. One good day effaces the remembrance of ten evil ones. All that remains of our famine, is the glory of having suffered for our Lord, qui facit etiam cum tentatione proventum. Then did he, indeed, make us experience [41] the truth of his promises, by

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giving us an abundance greater by a hundred times than had been the privations 'which we had suffered. in his service. I might say that he filled the rivers anew with fish expressly for us; for that very night one of our men caught twenty large Salmon, and some Catfish. And, on the tenth of the same month of July, while passing a rapid five leagues in length, — the longest that we had met, — our people killed on the way thirty-four other Salmon with spears and paddles; there were so many of them, that they were struck without difficulty. In the evening, we found, on the spot where we intended to pass the night, one of the leading Captains of Onnontaghé. He received us with a fine harangue, in which he stated that the joy felt by the whole country at our arrival was not slight; that all the four tribes joined in it, and that all the Elders were impatiently waiting for us. On the eleventh of July, at about three o’clock (42] in the afternoon, we reached the entrance to Lake Gannentaa, on the shores of which we intended to establish our residence. Here the Elders, who knew that this was the spot upon which Fathers Chaumont and d'Ablon had decided, awaited our arrival with a great multitude of people.

In size, the Lake is about two leagues in length, and half a league in width. We have observed three remarkable facts in connection with it.

The first is, that, South of it, there are springs of salt water, although the Lake itself is very far from the Sea, — just as in Lorraine, where there are similar springs. But I do not think that salt can be obtained there with as much facility as here; for it is found ready-made on the soil in the vicinity of

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those springs, and, when the water is boiled, it is easily turned into salt.

The second is, that, in the Spring, so great numbers of Pigeons collect around these salt-springs, that sometimes as many as seven hundred are caught in the course of one morning.

[43] The third remarkable fact is, that at the same place there are found certain snakes, which are seen nowhere else. We call them rattlesnakes, because, as they crawl along, they make a noise like that of a rattle, —- or, rather, of a cicada. .At the ends of their tails they have round scales, so joined one with another that, by opening and closing them, they make that noise, which is heard at a distance of twenty paces. These rattles or scales also make a noise when they are shaken after the death of the snake; but it is not so loud as that which the snake makes when alive. The natives of the country say that its scales are an excellent remedy for toothache, and that its flesh, which they find as well flavored as that of the eel, cures fever. They cut off the tail and the head, which is quite flat and almost square, and eat the remainder. The body is about three feet long, thicker than a man's wrist, and all speckled on the back with black and yellow spots, — except on the tail, [44] which is almost entirely black. It has four teeth, two above and two below, as long as our small needles, but much sharper. It bites like a dog, and injects its poison into the wound through a small black sting, which it draws out of a bag containing the poison. When a person is bitten, he at once swells up, and, unless he receive prompt assistance, he dies in a short time, entirely covered

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with red pustules. When these Snakes see a man, they hiss and shake their tails, sounding their rattles, either to frighten the enemy, or to excite themselves for the fight, — or, rather, because God has given them that instinct in order that men may be on their guard at the approach of so dangerous an animal. I know not whether these Snakes are attracted by the salt; but I do know that the spot whereon we have erected our dwelling, and which is surrounded by fine springs of fresh water, is not infested by them, although it is on the shore of the same Lake. But let us continue our journey

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[45 ] CHAPTER V,





STATED, in the foregoing Chapter, that on the eleventh of July we entered the Lake called Gannentaa, on the shores of which we were to erect our dwelling. When we had advanced to a distance of a quarter of a league from the spot, we ourselves landed five small pieces of cannon, the light thunder of which we made resound along the waters of the lake; this was followed by the discharge of all the arquebuses in the hands of our people. Such was the first salute that we sent over the water, through the air, and through the woods, to the Elders of the country, who were awaiting us with a great multitude of people. The noise‚ ralled over: the water, burst in the air, and was most agreeably reechoed by the forests. After this, we advanced in fine [46] order, our canoes or small boats proceeding four by four along this little Lake. On landing, our French fired a second discharge or salvo, so skillfully that they delighted all these poor people.

The Elders had caused two scaffolds to be erected, from which to pay us their compliments aloud, and to deliver to us their harangues. These were interrupted by a downpour of rain, which compelled us

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all to seek shelter; the words changed into caresses and manifestations of joy on both sides.

If these poor Savages gave us the best possible welcome, — showing in their eyes and gestures the sentiments of their hearts, which were full of tenderness for us, — our own actions responded to their love; and, in those manifestations of joy and mutual affection, we blessed God for having preserved us amid so many privations, dangers, and fatigues, and for having finally brought us safely to the end of our pilgrimage.

[47] It is the custom of these peoples to entertain during a portion of the night those who come to visit them, — either with compliments or with speeches seasoned with the graces of the country, and full of polite sayings after their fashion; or, again, with their customary songs and dances. But, when they saw us so fatigued after so long a journey, they told us that they would withdraw, in order that their civilities might not disturb our rest,- to which they said that they wished to contribute, by singing around our cabins the softest and most agreeable airs, and those most capable of sending us to sleep.

On the morning of the following day, the twelfth of July, we chanted the Te Deum in thanksgiving for our happy arrival, and took possession of the whole country in the name of Jesus Christ-dedicating and consecrating it to him at the holy Sacrifice of the Mass. The Elders afterward gave us some presents, to congratulate us upon our arrival and to wish us a propitious establishment.

On the following Sunday, which was the [48] sixteenth of the same month, we fulfilled a vow that we had made amid the dangers of our journey; we had

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promised God to receive Communion all together, If he granted us the grace that we might all see ourselves in the country for which we never bound. As we had obtained that favor, all our French received the sacred bread at a Mass that was most solemnly chanted. On that occasion, we displayed all our ornaments, which would be considered poor in France, but which were deemed very magnificent here.

On Monday, the seventeenth, we set to work in good earnest, to build lodgings for ourselves, and a good Redout for the soldiers, which we erected on an eminence commanding the Lake and all surrounding places. There is an abundance of fresh water springs; and, in a word, the spot seems as beautiful as it is convenient and advantageous While the workmen were so employed, our Father Superior, whom Our Lord had restored to health, went with fifteen of our best soldiers to the Village of Onnontaghé‚ [49] at a distance of five short leagues from our residence. The people, who had been notified of the coming of the French, came forth, in crowds to meet us. At a quarter of a league from they Village, some Elders begged us to halt. and take breath, in order to listen to a polite harangue, full of complements, delivered to us by a Captain, one of the leading men of the country. He then walked before us and led us through a great crowd formed in ranks on both sides. We marched behind him quietly, and in fine order, followed by another Captain, — who came after us, to prevent the great crowd from pressing too closely on us. At the entrance to the Village, our soldiers fired a fine salvo, which delighted all the spectators. We were conducted to the Cabin of the principal and most renowned Captains of the

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country, where everything was prepared for our reception in their fashion. Fruit was brought to us from all sides; there was nothing but feasting ; and for ten days all the game and fish of the village were [50] used in regaling the French: All the families vied with one another as to which one should have us. Some time afterward, another squad of French in fine attire marched in, with the drum beating. Never were seen so many bright faces; it seemed as if the hearts of the Savages were leaping out of their eyes; and I do not think that it is possible, without having seen it, to conceive the manifestations of affection and cordiality with which they greeted us. If, after all that, they betray and massacre us, I will accuse them, not of dissimulation but of frivolity and inconstancy, which in a short time can change the affection and confidence of those Barbarians into fear, hatred, and treachery. Add to this, that the Demons seek every opportunity to bring about our destruction; and that, if men persecute the Jesuits in many places, those wretched spirits, against whom they wage war every here, will not spare them.

On the evening of our arrival, the envoys from some nations came to pay us their respects, and to manifest the esteem in which the Onnontagheronnons held Achiendasé, — [51] that is the name of the Father superior. By means of a present, they expressed their wish that his Mat should be the place for holding councils and meetings, — that is, the Palace where all the affairs of the country should be discussed. The Onnontagheronnons also gave us their presents with great civility.

The Annieronnons, unable to avoid complying

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with the common law of the country, did, indeed, give their presents. But, as they wished to attain their end in spite of every obstacle, and could not bear to see our alliance with those tribes, they delivered a harangue full of jests and raillery against the French. To excuse themselves for not having distributed the presents which they had received at Québec for all the Iroquois nations, they said that the French were stupid enough to give them things which could not be divided, and that thus they had been obliged to give all those presents to their own nation.

The Father superior replied to their impostures in so emphatic a manner that they soon repented of' their false accusations. He told them that memory never failed the French, who [52] had their pens in their hands; and that if their minds forgot anything their paper reminded them of it when necessary. He then related all that had happened at the Council between the French and the Annieronnon Iroquois; he enumerated all the collars of porcelain beads, all the arquebuses, all the coats, — in a word, all the presents that had been given by the great Captain of the French; he mentioned the nations, and even the persons of rank, for whom each present had been designed. Then he asked the worthy Annieronnon whether such things could not be given separately. He inquired of the envoys from the nations whether at least the remembrance of these presents had been brought to their country, since the e Annieronnon admitted that he had retained them. The poor man, who thought that we could only stammer in their language, like the Europeans who trade with them, was so surprised when he heard the Father, that he

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afterward sought every means to ingratiate himself with him.

After that meeting, we employed ourselves [53] for some days in visiting and winning over the various nations that were at Onnontaghé; they were arriving there daily, in order to be present at the decision of two weighty matters, and at the great council of war which is usually held in that village.

When the envoys from Sonnontouan and Oiogouan arrived, we went to greet them. The former, mourning the death of one of their Captains named Ahiarantouan, who had been killed by the Annieronnons in the vicinity of Three rivers, filled the air with their lugubrious chants. We gave them a present to allay their grief; but, when the time came to reply, the Oiogouanronnon spoke, and said that the wound received by the Sonnontoueronnons had changed their joy to tears, and their voices to sighs and mournful songs.

When all the nations had assembled, it was necessary, before the council was held, to propitiate the Village on account of the death of a Captain, which had taken place during the previous night. Most fortunately for him, he had [54] received holy Baptism two days before, after good and holy instruction. This propitiation was made by means of two presents, one of which served to wipe away the tears of the Onnontagheronnon, and to restore his speech, of which death had deprived him; the other was to clean away the blood that might have fallen from the dead body upon the Council Mat. The Onnontagheronnon replied with two other presents; one was to promise that the body should be buried, and the other to state that the Council would afterward be opened.

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These people had called together all the States of the country, or rather all the allied Nations, to reconcile the Annieronnons with the Sonnontoueronnons, who were on the point of going to war on account of the death of the Captain whom we have just mentioned; to treat of our establishment in the heart of the country; and to invite all those tribes to put something into the war-kettle,-that is, to consult together about the means of attacking and defeating their enemies, and of contributing toward the general expenses. [55] Such were the designs of these poor people; but God had other and higher ones. It was his will to be announced and preached in an assembly, a more notable or more numerous one than which can scarcely be held in these countries.

That great council was held on the 24th of the month of July, when all the Nations placed in the hands of Achiendasé‚ (who is our Father Superior) the settlement of the difficulty between the Sonnontoueronnons and the Annieronnons, which was soon ended. They then, with manifestations of extraordinary good will, agreed that we should establish ourselves and reside in their country. Finally, each one deposited his presents in the war-kettle. Now, as these people are great haranguers, and frequently make use of allegories and metaphors, our Fathers adapt themselves to this custom of theirs, to win them to God. They are delighted when they see that we succeed as well as they.

We had so well displayed, arranged, and disposed our presents, that they made a wonderful show; but Father Joseph [56] Chaumont, who speaks Iroquois as well as the natives of the country, seemed to add to their value in interpreting their meaning.

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It will not be out of place to observe in passing, that these presents consist entirely of porcelain collars, beads, arquebuses, powder and lead, coats, hatchets, kettles, and other similar articles. These are purchased from the Merchants with beaver-skins, which are the money that they demand in payment for their wares. Now, if a Jesuit receives or collects some of these furs, to help to pay the enormous expenses that have to be incurred in Missions so distant, to win those peoples to JESUS CHRIST, and restore peace among them, it would be desirable that those very persons who ought to incur these expenses for the preservation of the country should, at least, not be the first to condemn the zeal of those Fathers, and, in their tales, to paint them blacker than their gowns. They should leave slanders of that kind to the low rabble, ever wrongly informed about what is going on, and [57] whose calumnies may be excused through their ignorance. But let us do what is right, and allow evil to be said of us; for calumny is also the cement of virtue. They write to us from France that they can no longer provide means for the heavy expenditure that we incur in these new undertakings. We devote to them our labors, our sweat, our blood, and our lives. If, through lack of aid, we be compelled to abandon a. post so advantageous for the Faith and for the preservation of the country, those who persecute us will be none the richer for it, and God will be less glorified.

Let us return to our presents, if you please. Before giving an explanation of them, all our Fathers and our French knelt down, removed their hats, clasped their hands, and intoned aloud the Veni

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Creator at full length. This astonished and delighted the spectators, to whom we explained that we never dealt with any matter of importance without first asking the assistance of the Spirit who governs the whole world.

Then Father Joseph Chaumont arose [58] and explained the meaning of eight or ten presents, given to assuage their grief for the death of several Captains, and to obtain that some worthy Christians of both sexes, who had lately passed from earth to heaven, might live again in the Faith of their children and their friends. In distributing these presents he included the Algonquins and the Hurons, that they might form but one heart and one people with all those Nations. He proclaimed that, as Onontagé was the Parliament of the whole country and Agochiendagueté the most esteemed in all those regions, Achiendasé, as the mouth of Onontio, came to unite with him, to help him in raising up the houses that had been overthrown in bringing the dead back to life, in maintaining what was in good condition, and in defending the country against the disturbers of the peace. While the Father explained all these matters in detail, he was listened to with admiration and with the acclamations of all those peoples, who were delighted to see us so well versed in their ways.

He gave a present to return thanks that they had shared with Onnontio the spoils taken [59] from their enemies; for they had sent him two children, whom they had taken and brought hither from the Cat Nation.

He gave two others; one, in acknowledgment of their reception of us into their country, which was

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as courteous as the invitation had been urgent; and the other, to induce them to place in the water the canoe, that it might carry news of us to Québec.

Finally, the Father assumed a louder tone, and with impassioned words he exclaimed: " It is not for purposes of trade that you see us appear in your country. We aim much higher. Your fur/ are of too little value in our eyes to induce us to undertake so long, so difficult, and so dangerous a journey. Keep your beaver-skins, if you choose, for the Dutch; even those which may come into our hands will be used for your own good. We seek not perishable things. For the Faith, we have left our country; for the Faith, we have abandoned our relatives and our friends; for the Faith, we have crossed the Ocean; for the [60] Faith, we have quitted the great Ships of the French, to embark in your small canoes; for the Faith, we have given up fine houses, to lodge in your bark cabins; for the Faith, we deprive ourselves of our natural nourishment, and the delicate viands that we might have enjoyed in France, to eat your boiled meal and other food, which the animals of our country would hardly touch. " Then, taking up a very fine collar of porcelain beads, artistically made, he continued: " For the sake of the Faith, I hold this rich present in my hand, and I open my mouth to remind you of the word that you pledged us when you came down to Québec to conduct us to your country. You solemnly promised to lend ear to the words of the great God. They are in my mouth; listen to them; I am but his spokesman. He informs you by his Messengers that his Son made himself man for love of you; that that Man, the Son of God, is the Prince and the Master of

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Mankind; that he has prepared in [61] Heaven eternal pleasures and joys for those who obey his commandments; and that he kindles horrible fires in Hell for those who refuse to receive his word. His law is easy; it forbids doing injury either to the property, or the life, or the wife, or the reputation of one's neighbor. Can anything be more reasonable? It commands that respect, love, and reverence be given to him who has made all and who preserves the universe. Are your minds offended by so natural a truth ? JESUS CHRIST, who is the Son of him who has made all, became our brother and yours by clothing himself with our flesh; he preached those beautiful truths; he caused them to be painted and written in a book; he ordered that they be carried throughout the world. That is what brings us to your country; that is what opens our mouths; and we are .so certain of all those truths, that we are prepared to lose our lives in maintaining them. If thou reject them in thy heart be thou Onnontagheronnon, Sonnontoueronnon, Annieronnon, [62] Oneiogouenronnon, or Onneioutehronnon, know that JESUS CHRIST, who animates my heart and my voice, will one day cast thee into Hell. But avoid that misfortune by thy conversion; be not the cause of thine own ruin; listen to the voice of the Almighty. "

These and many other words, full of fire and uttered with most Christian vehemence, caused those poor Barbarians such astonishment, that they seemed quite beside themselves; their minds wavered between joy and fear. The approval was so general and universal, that one would have said that all wanted to place the Father in their hearts. No endearment, in. their opinion, was sufficiently great

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to bestow upon him. Tears fell from the eyes of our French, when they saw our Lord so grandly announced in this extremity of the world. For my part, I must admit that what I saw and heard on that occasion surpasses anything that can be said or written of it. If, after that, the devil should turn the heads of these poor people and lead them to kill us, Justificabitur in sermonibus suis. [63] We shall, at least, have justified our God in his words.

On the morrow, which was the 25th of July, day had hardly broken when the Envoys of all the Nations came to thank us in the most affectionate and cordial manner that can be imagined. I know not whether the Annieronnon, who was the first to begin, employed his usual deceit and dissimulation, or whether God had touched his heart. But he faithfully repeated all that the Father had said, respecting the Law of God; he highly praised our designs; he protested that he could not resist our arguments, and that he wished to become a Christian. He gave us presents, as also did the other Nations, who pressed us to go and instruct them in their country.

When, on the 26th, the Annieronnons asked us for Letters to take to the Dutch, with whom they trade, we in truth praised their Elders, who seem inclined to peace; but we strongly blamed their young men for having pillaged several houses in the neighborhood of Québec. [64] We told them that such bad conduct had entailed upon them a war with the tribe called Mahinganak, and with the Andastahoueronnons; and that the same misfortune might happen to them with regard to the French.

On the 27th of July, we returned to the shores of the Lake, where a considerable portion of our French

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were engaged in erecting a residence, which we shall call sainte Marie of Gannentaa.

On the 30th, the eve of the feast of saint Ignatius, the chief men of Onnontaghé came to see us; they gave us some presents, to unite us so closely with them that we might be thereafter but one people, and to warn us not to place any confidence in the Annieronnon, because that Nation was deceitful and treacherous. They also begged us to fortify ourselves well, and to make our house large enough to receive and shelter them from their enemies in case of necessity. They also informed us that they were about to take up their hatchets to make a canoe, which should bear news of us to Québec.

The month of August was a time [65] of exercise for us in every way. We had built a Chapel at Onontagé, to which some of our Fathers were attached, while the others went through the Cabins. We hardly ever ceased from morning to night to Preach, to Catechize, to Baptize, to teach the Prayers, and to answer the questions put to us on all sides, so great was the inclination manifested by those good people toward the Faith. The French at sainte Marie of Lake Gannentaa, worked at all the trades practiced in a city, in order to provide a lodging for all of us, and to protect us in the midst of those barbarous Nations. All this was done, not without trouble. It was necessary to work hard, to sleep little, to lie on the earth sheltered by miserable pieces of bark, to eat as a rule only a little meal of Indian corn, boiled in water, without bread, without wine, with no other sauce than appetite, and to be pestered night and day by little flies or gnats, which attack one on all sides and at all hours. All that, added to change of air

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and the great fatigues of the journey, so affected our [66] constitutions, at the hottest season of the year, that we all fell sick. It was pitiful to see sometimes as many as twenty heaped almost one on top of the other, at a time and in a country where we had no other succor than that of Heaven. But he who had caused our wounds soon applied a good dressing to them. At the height of our misery and privations, he sent us so much game and so many fish into our Lake, before the usual season, that the sick were relieved, the convalescent were strengthened, and those who were cured were sustained in doing their work. He so touched the hearts of those people that they brought us, with great affection, some of their corn and their dainties, such as the beans and squashes of the country, which are firmer and better than those of France. They also gave us fresh ears of their corn, which are not disagreeable. Thus, we all escaped with a few attacks of tertian fever, which caused us to experience every possible kindness at the hands of the savages during our illness.

[67] They came to us from all sides; some, brought us fish, others reproached us that we did not send often enough to their fishing-place to take some according to our needs. One of the chief men of Onontagé‚ came to reside near us for a short time. He gave presents to our Father Superior for the good treatment that his son had received at Québec. He wished to contract a brotherly friendship with him, and to bind it closely he presented him with a collar of porcelain beads.

A Sonnontoueronnon, who was considered a great hunter, came and offered him a covering to preserve

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the warmth of the friendship that he had just contracted with him.

News has come to us here that the Dutch wish to bring us some horses and other commodities, as they are glad that we dwell in these countries.

A former Captain of Oiogoen, an intelligent man engaged in public affairs, came to see us on behalf of the whole of his Nation. He requested Achiendasé‚ to give them some [68] of our Fathers, assuring him that they would erect a Chapel for them, and that the people desired to be instructed in our belief. He was given Father René‚ Menard and two Frenchmen, notwithstanding our great scarcity of workmen. Father Joseph Chaumont is to accompany him as far as Oiogoen; from there he will go to Sonnontouan, to lay from afar the foundations of a fine Mission, and to sow the seeds of a great harvest, which we hope to gather, if it please God to preserve peace for us and to send us workmen.

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AFTER the defeat of the Hurons on the Island of Orleans, which we related in the third Chapter, those who remained sued the Agnieronnon Iroquois for peace. It was granted to them last Autumn, on condition [69] that, in the following Spring, they should all go up to Agnié‚ (that is the name of the country of the lower Iroquois), in order that in future they might inhabit but one land, and be but one people with them. The Agreement was concluded, and, to ratify it, three Hurons bore it to the elders of the Iroquois country. They signed it in their fashion with fine presents, which they gave to all the Hurons through their Ambassadors; they promised to come and get them in their little gondolas, and sent word to warn them to be prepared for it without any further excuse‚ or postponement. When the time specified had elapsed, a band of a hundred young and very resolute warriors started from their country to carry out that design. The main body halted three or four days' journey above Québec, and thirty were detached to present themselves before the Hurons and summon them to keep their word. On the day following his arrival, the Captain of this band asked for an audience, at which he explained to the assembly, of French and Hurons the object of his Embassy, and frankly stated that he [70] had come for the

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Hurons, He harangued them in these terms: " My brother, it is to thee that my words are addressed. Four years ago, thou didst beg me to take thee by the arm, to raise thee and bring thee to my country; thou didst sometimes withdraw it when I wished to comply with thy request; that is why I struck thee on the head with my hatchet. Withdraw it no more; for I tell thee in earnest to get up. It is time for thee to come. Here, take this collar to assist thee to arise " (this was a present of porcelain beads that he gave him). " Fear not; I no longer look upon thee as an enemy, but as my relative; thou shalt be cherished in my country, which shall also be thine. And, that thou mayst not doubt it, take this other collar of porcelain beads as a pledge of my word."

Then, turning his eyes and addressing himself to Monsieur the Governor, with presents in his hand, he said: " Onontio, open thine arms and allow thy children to leave thy bosom; if thou shalt hold them so closely any longer, it is to be feared that thou mayst be wounded when we wish to strike them when they deserve it. Receive these porcelain beads [71] to open thine arms. I know that the Huron loves prayer, that he invokes him who has made all, that he clasps his hands when he asks anything of him. I wish to do as he does. Permit Father Ondesonk to come with us and instruct us in the Faith. And, since we have not enough Canoes to carry so many people, lend us thy shallops. Here is something with which to attract the black gown, and to put the canoes in the water." These were fine collars which he presented to Monsieur the Governor. When the council was over, each withdrew to his own quarters to think over the answer that

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he should give. The Huron, doubtless, would have liked to retract his word; but it was no longer possible to do so,- the fault had been his, and he had to bear the consequences. It was no longer time to delay; he must go, or die by the hand of the Iroquois. The whole night was passed in consultation. Opinions were divided; the Nation of the Cord, one of the three who composed the Huron Colony, refused to leave Québec and the French; the Nation of the Rock turned its thoughts toward Onontagé; [72] and the Nation of the Bear resolved to place itself in the hands of the Agnieronon. When this decision had been reached, and when the Captain of that Nation, called le Plat [ " the Dish " ], had informed his people of it in the morning, the Council once more assembled, and Father le Moyne opened it in the name of Monsieur the Governor, somewhat in the following terms: " Onontio loves the Hurons. They are no longer children in swaddling-clothes, but are old enough to be out of tutelage. They can go where they wish, without being hindered in any way by Onontio. He opens his arms to let them go. For my part, I am quite ready to follow my flock, when he who governs me permits me to do so. I shall teach thee also, my Agnieronon brother, how to obey God and how to pray to him; but, knowing what thy nature is, I know also that thou wilt not care for prayer. As for our shallops, we cannot lend thee any; thou seest very well that there is not one in our ports; they are all needed for the trade, and for proceeding to meet a new Governor whom we expect. " [73] This discourse was received by the Iroquois with joyful acclamations and a thousand thanks.

When the Captain of the Nation of the Bear found

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that he was called upon to speak and to state the decision that he had made during the night with his Nation, he began his short harangue in a loud tone and a powerful voice. " My brother, " he said to the Agnieronon, " it is decided; I am at thy service. I cast myself, with my eyes shut, into thy Canoe, without knowing what I am doing. But, whatever may betide, I am resolved to die. Even if thou shouldst break my head as soon as we are out of range of the cannon here, it matters not; I am quite resolved. I do not wish my cousins of the two other Nations to embark this time with me, in order that they may first see how thou wilt behave toward me."

Another Captain, a great friend of the one who had just spoken, forthwith cast before them three presents, to beg the Iroquois to treat his friend well on the road. " Take care," he said to him, " that my brother Atsena, who gives himself to thee, does not fall into the Mud in [74] disembarking; here is a collar to make the earth firm where he will set foot on it. When he disembarks, do not allow him to sit on the bare ground; here is something wherewith to make a Mat for him on which he may rest. And, that thou mayst not laugh at the women and children when they weep at seeing themselves in a strange country, here is a handkerchief that I give thee to wipe away their tears, and the sweat from their brows. "

A third Captain, who was unwilling to embark, and who did not offer himself to the Iroquois, did not conceal his thought from him. " I see the whole Rive r, " h e said, " bristling with long and great teeth; I would put myself in danger of being bitten, were I to embark at present. It will be for another time. "

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When the Iroquois saw himself frustrated in his hope of obtaining Shallops, he resolved to make Canoes; and he pressed the work so well, that, in less than five or six days, he had enough to embark all those \who had given themselves up to him.

While they worked at the Canoes in the daytime, the nights were passed in holding [75] farewell feasts. The most splendid was the feast given by the Captain of the Bear Nation, to take leave of Monsieur the Governor, of the Black Gowns, and of the Savages. On that occasion, the Captain gave proof of his wit and eloquence, and showed still more the affection that he had for the French. " Take courage, Onontio, " he said; " take courage, Ondesonk. I leave you, it is true; but my heart does not leave you. I am going away, it is true; but I leave you my cousins, who are better than I am. And, to show you that Québec is ever my country, I leave you the large kettle, which we use in our greatest rejoicings. " It would take too long to repeat the other discourses that he pronounced in bidding farewell.

Father Ondesonk also paid him his little compliment, in the fashion of the Savages, by saying to him: " My brother, my heart is sad at seeing thee depart; were it not that I hope to see thee soon in the place to which thou art going, there would be no potion fit to cure my affliction; and [76] throughout my life my heart would d be cast down, an d my countenance depressed. As for thee, take courage; thou shalt see me at every stage of thy journey, in every place where thy cabin will be erected, at every spot where thou wilt disembark. For Ondesonk has been everywhere; he has kindled a fire everywhere; he has set up his camp everywhere. If the fire be

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extinguished, here is something with which to rekindle it; if the Mat be removed, here is wherewith to replace it by another, on which thou mayst repose softly. " These were so many presents, which the Father gave him to alleviate the sorrow of that good man. The feasts and farewells lasted a long time, and all went to bed very late; but this did not prevent them from seeing, at an early hour next morning, all the Hurons on the bank of the River ready to embark with the Iroquois, commencing from that moment to form but one people with them.

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THE Upper Iroquois, whom we call Onnontagheronnons, wished to have, as well as the lower Iroquois, a share in the remnant of the Hurons of Québec. To carry out their ends, both took the same way, and made use of the same devices, employing force where address failed them. For three years the Onontagéronnon had urged the Huron to side with him, and to retire to his country, in order to form but one people with him. In the gear 1655, he came down to Québec for that purpose, and gave the Huron, in the presence of the French and the Savages, very fine presents, which were heartily accepted. 'The Huron promised to go and take up his residence forever in the village of Onontagé, provided he could also bring the Black Gowns there. The Fathers [78] did, in fact, go 'there. But the Huron, yielding to the presents and threats of the Agnieronnon, gave himself up to him, thereby breaking the promise which he had given to the Onontagéronnon. This stroke of cunning and of barbarian policy on the part of the Agnieronon, who had thus outbidden his neighbor, and the imprudence of the Huron in giving himself to two Masters, aroused jealousy in the mind of the Onontagéronnon, and made him resolve to prevent that which he thought he already possessed from being snatched

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from him; at the same time, it inspired him with a desire for revenge upon the Huron, by whom he thought that he had been deceived. With this design, one hundred warriors set out from Onnontaghé‚, resolved to remove the Hurons from Québec, either with their consent or by force. They made their appearance on our frontiers at the beginning of Spring. They prowled about in every direction to strike some evil blow; but, as all were on their guard, they could not accomplish their design. After enduring toil and fatigue for ten days, some of the band, pressed by hunger, entered the fort at Sillery, and asked to speak [79] to Ondesonk — that is, to Father le Moyne — and to the Hurons, to hold a council with them on a matter of importance. The Father explained to them that the Hurons were at Québec, that that was the place of Council, and that they must go there if they wished to transact any business; that, moreover, he would take them there in safety, promising them that they would be favorably received. They went there with that safe-conduct, without delaying till the following day. The Council met, at which they first excused themselves for having come for the Hurons, their brothers, with arms in their hands; the news which they had heard last Winter, that the Huron had retracted his word and had changed his mind, had compelled them to take these measures. But, having since learned from the mouth of Ondesonk that this rumor was false, they were quite prepared to lay down their arms, and to behave as brothers toward the Hurons. Ondesonk replied to the Onontagéronnon in the name of Onontio, and said to him: " Thou art to be praised, my brother, for appearing

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here unarmed and with a mind inclined toward peace; but [80] thou shouldst have started from thy country with the same equipment and in the same disposition. Thou hast too readily believed the false reports made to thee against the Huron; that hasty belief has led thee to take up arms too soon. Thou shouldst first have sought information from the French who are with thee, and who, by means of the Letters that they receive, would have shown thee the falseness of the rumor that has spread in thy land. When I see thee stealthily pass by our settlements, with a hatchet in thy hand, without any Letter from our French, what else can I think but that, after ill-treating us in the upper country, thou comest to ill-treat us also down here ? Hast thou forgotten the fine present that I made thee in thy own country three years ago, which said to thee that the Huron, the Algonquin, and the Frenchman were no longer more than one head, and that whosoever struck one, wounded the other ? " When the Father had finished these reproaches, he gave him a fine collar of Porcelain beads, to make him receive them more peacefully, and to strengthen the promise which he had given to think no longer of war.

In fact, the Onnontagheronnon took [81] in good part the friendly words which had been said to him; and, relying upon the assurance which he had received that the Huron had not changed his mind, he said but two words to him with two presents. These he gave him at the meeting on the following day. "My brother, " he said to him, " since thou hast resolved to come with me, I need not invite thee any more. I tie this cord to thy Canoe, to help thee to haul it. I know well that Onontio will not detain

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thee; here is a collar, to make him open his arms and let thee go. " To this the Huron had nothing but thanks to return. " Thou consolest me, my brother, because thou hast pity on me, on our women, and on our children. Be not offended, however, if I do not embark to-day in thy Canoe. It is a war-Canoe, and it frightens me; the knife that thou hast left in it might wound my children, and our women would tremble at the sight of the hatchet that thou hast not yet removed. As thou hast come, and art about to return, with arms in hand, it would be said that thou art bringing prisoners, and not thy friends and brothers. But, as soon as some Canoe [82] belonging to the French who are in thy country comes down here, I am at thy service, and thou mayst take me wherever thou wilt. "

At this stage of the proceedings, an incident occurred which nearly ruptured the treaty. A young Onontagéronnon struck a Huron with his hatchet and killed him on the spot; the news of this murder alarmed the Hurons, and they detained in a cabin, as prisoners, two Onontagéronnons who had gone there to pay a visit. On the other hand, the Onontagéronnon did his best to prevent any bad feeling on this account; he disapproved of the murderer's deed, condemned him as insane, and made satisfaction. But, finally, seeing that the Huron, who would yield only to force, was seeking a quarrel with him, he seized two Canoes full of his people, who were on their return from hunting, and took them into his fort, where he detained them as prisoners. Matters would have become serious, had not Father le Moyne happily intervened and checked their course by his care and diligence. He managed so well in his

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interviews with both parties, that he restored everything to [83] its former condition; he caused : the prisoners to be surrendered on both sides and calmed the minds of all. Then the Onontagéronnon repeated his demand. He urged the Huron to embark with him, while the Huron persisted in excusing himself, on the ground that it was not becoming for him to embark in a war-Canoe, and that he must wait for a peace-Canoe. " From that moment, I am at thy disposal," he said to him. " Here is an earnest of my word and my affection, in the presents that I give thee. And, if this be not sufficient to prove that I have given myself to thee, three of my people shall keep thee company and bear to the elders the assurance of my good will. We shall go to Montréal to await thee. When thou hast reached thy own country, send thy young men for us. " The Onontagéronnon was satisfied with his promise; he embarked in his little gondola and paddled away, while the Hurons of the Tribe of the Rock, the one which had given itself to the Onontagéronnon, prepared themselves for their journey to Montréal, and bade adieu to Onontio, to the Fathers, [84] and to the Savages who still remained at Québec. Then, on the r 6th of June, they embarked in three French Shallops, which, favored with a light wind from the Northeast, landed them in a few days at Montréal. There they awaited those who were to take them away.

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THE Mission of the lower Iroquois, which we call that of the Martyrs, is as yet but a }flying Mission; we hope some day to see it stationary, one like the other Missions. Father Simon le Moyne began it in the year 1655, when he made his first journey thither; he recommenced it in the year 1656, and is preparing for it again this year. His Superiors might truly have said to him each year when they sent him thither, what our Lord said to his Apostles when he [85] sent them to preach his Gospel throughout the world, — namely, that they were sending him like a Lamb among Wolves; for a Jesuit, a Preacher, a Missionary among the Iroquois is a Lamb among ravenous Wolves. It is a marvel to see a Lamb among Wolves without being eaten by the Wolves; but it is a greater marvel to see Wolves changed into Lambs by Lambs. We have witnessed the first marvel in the person of Father le Moyne; I know not when we shall see the second. We trust that God, through his infinite mercy, will enable us to see it when he shall bring all the Iroquois into the fold of JESUS CHRIST. We go to their country once every year, to prepare the way for the Gospel, gently to dispose the hearts of those Barbarians to receive the seed of Christian doctrine, and to apply the blood of JESUS CHRIST by

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baptizing the children, the aged, and the dying. We go there in the interest of the public welfare, and for the preservation of the peace, which [86] is so frail a matter among these peoples, that the mere omission to pay a visit which they expect from their allies is sufficient to break it. We go there to seek every means to make that peace general among all the Nations. Finally, we go there to prevent the jealousy which might arise between the upper and the lower Iroquois, if, while residing with the former, we failed to visit the latter.

In view of all those considerations, should we not expose ourselves to labors, to sufferings, and to dangers of death ?

When Father Simon le Moyne made his first journey to Agnié‚ in the year 1655, he promised to make another in the following year, if the opportunity presented itself. He had pledged his word, and it must be kept; for a man who is found to be a liar loses his credit and his authority among those peoples, as he does among the most honest in Europe. But, just as the Father was about to start, an incident happened which made it doubtful whether the journey could be undertaken. A band of Iroquois, who had come down [87] to Québec, attacked the Hurons. Another band prepared an ambush for the upper Algonquins when they were returning from Québec to their own country, fired a volley at them, routed them, and killed with a gunshot one of the two Fathers who accompanied them that he might pass the winter with them and show them the way to Heaven. This misfortune placed us in a rather disagreeable perplexity; by not making the journey, we would irritate the arrogant minds of

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the Iroquois, who would suspect that the Frenchman intended to revenge the death of his brother, and would try to forestall him; on the other hand, to go there seemed to be seeking almost certain death. We preferred to undergo the danger rather than break our word; the Father undertook the journey, and arrived in the country with presents in his hand, for one never speaks otherwise on matters of importance among these peoples. He assembled the Council, and spoke to the elders as follows: " My brother, I know not where thou hast placed thy mind; it seems that thou hast lost it completely. I come [88] to see thee with presents in my hand, and thou always visitest me in anger, and with a face full of fury. Quite recently, thou hast killed the Huron at Québec, and thou hast just broken with gunshots the head of my brother, the Black Gown. Thou didst promise that thou wouldst come for me, and thou host not kept thy word. Thou shamest me everywhere, and I am reproached that I love a man who causes our death. Of what thinkest thou ? Here is something to recall thy mind which has wandered away. Thou sayest that Onontio detains the Huron at Québec, that he prevents him from coming g to thee to form but one country. Thou complainest that the Huron will not speak to thee when thou goest to Québec to negotiate with him. I come here to undeceive thee. Onnontio has already opened his arms to let his children go where they wish; they are free; he detains them not by force. If the Huron will not speak to thee, it is through thine own fault. How can he speak to thee, when he sees thee always with a club in thy hand to break his head ? Lay aside thy hatchet,

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and thou shalt see that his ears are open to listen to thee, and his heart to follow thee; and, [89] that thou mayst not doubt it, here is a collar which he presents to thee through my hands. "

One of the elders addressed the Father and said to him: " Be not angry, Ondesonk; I am thy brother. Our young men have no sense; they strike blindly and heedlessly. Take this plaster which I give thee " (this was a collar of porcelain beads); " place it on thy heart, and, as thy anger will pass away, thou

shalt be cured. Assure the Huron of my good will; tell him that I have already spread out his Mat to receive him in my Cabin, and that I send him this collar to draw his Canoe hither. " After this discourse, the young men, who had intended to go down to Québec to make a last effort to carry off the Hurons, abandoned their warlike designs, and resolved to go hunting.

Meanwhile Ondesonk, like a good Shepherd, visited his flock which longed for him. He consoled the afflicted; he taught the ignorant; he heard the Confessions of those who came to him; he baptized the children; he made all pray to God; he exhorted all to persevere in the Faith and in avoiding sin. [90] When any Iroquois presented himself, the Father did not allow him to depart without giving him a word of instruction on Hell and Paradise, or the power of a God who sees and knows all, who punishes the wicked and rewards the good.

One day an Iroquois, while conversing with the Father, related to him with wonder the conduct of a Christian Huron in the tortures that he had been made to suffer, a short time before, in the village. He was a Christian of long standing, who really

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possessed the Faith both in his heart and on his lips; he was full of affection for the blessed Virgin, of whose Congregation he was a fervent member. That Iroquois, who had helped to burn him, said to Ondesonk: " We have never seen any one who loves the prayer like that man. He prayed to God continually on the scaffold, and lovingly exhorted his fellow-captives to think often of Heaven and of God, who awaited them there. 'My brothers, he called out aloud, speaking to the Huron Christians, 'remember that all the French assemble to-day in the Church, [91] to offer the sacrifice to God. They pray to God for us; let us do the same on our side. If our enemies do not permit us to say our prayers aloud in our usual way, as we did on the Island of Orleans, let us all at least pray in secret in our hearts. For my part, I fear neither their firebrands nor their hatchets heated red-hot; they shall never prevent me from speaking to God, to beg him to have pity on a poor man who has so greatly and so frequently offended him.' In fact, " added the Iroquois, " there was something more than human in that man. We tortured him, to force a cry out of his lips; but, on the contrary, he never ceased to sigh gently, and always kept his eyes fixed on Heaven, as if he were speaking to some one. We could not distinctly understand what he said; but he often repeated these words: ‘My brothers, I am going to Heaven, where I will pray to him who has made all for your salvation.' In short, up to the last sigh that we drew from him by the violence of the tortures, [92] he spoke of nothing but Paradise."

Such an example, and such and many other similar discourses that the Iroquois have frequently seen and

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heard, would be sufficient to soften their hearts and to incline them to the Faith, were they not harder than stones. We hope, nevertheless, that the continual efforts which are made for their salvation will have their effect in due time, and at the proper place; and that grace, falling drop by drop on those hearts of stone, will finally produce the impression that we desire; for, as the Poet says, gutta cavat lapidem.

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AS Faith and Religion have sprung from the Cross, it is impossible to preach them well and to establish them properly otherwise than by the Cross. It has not failed us for over thirty years in which we have been working [93] at this end of the world, to bring nations to JESUS CHRIST, and to erect a new Church to him. The waters have at times swallowed up some of our worthy Neophytes in shipwrecks; the tainted air has from time to time caused epidemics, which have carried off a portion of these peoples; wars have exterminated a number of villages, and wiped out entire Nations; the enemies of the Faith have killed and massacred, have burned and eaten the fathers and the children, — I mean, the Preachers of the Gospel, and those who had received it.

Such were these trials that, not without reason, this country has sometimes been called " the land of Crosses. " God has sent us this year some precious ones; may he be forever praised for it. I will allude only to one in passing, in order to speak of the consolation given us by some good Neophytes. On the 13th of June of this year, 1657, fire burst out in a pile of wood, without our being able to find out how it originated; we saw in a short time, at the residence of saint Joseph, our house [94] and that of a good

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Christian savage all in flames; and, to crown our misfortune, the fire drove them so violently and so rapidly toward the Church, in which a good portion of these people have been born to JESUS CHRIST, that it was impossible to save it. The High Altar, enriched with gold and that beautiful coral red which so agreeably attracted the gaze of those good Neophytes, and inspired them with tender affection for their Aiamihimikiouap, — that is, their house of prayer, — was reduced to ashes in an instant.

That Church was dedicated to God under the name of St. Michael, in accordance with the desire of him who had contributed a good portion of the money wherewith to build it. It was the first that had been erected in the whole country for the new Christians. It might have been called the Mother of the entire Christianity of this new world, because the Montagnais and the Algonquins had become converted on this spot, and had inspired, in all the other Nations who have since received JESUS CHRIST, the desire of hearing his word after the example [95] of their Countrymen. It was the asylum and refuge of the French of the neighborhood, who deplore the fire as much as our good Neophytes. One and all urge us to raise those ruins; but our arms are not strong enough, without greater help than they can give us, to retrieve so serious a loss by ourselves.

The worthy Neophyte, whose house and the whole of whose petty effects were destroyed by the flames, was asked whether that disaster had touched him deeply; he piously replied: " Had not Faith taught me that he who has made all is the Master of his works and wisely disposes of them as he pleases, that blow would have caused me sorrow. But why

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blame him, and be angry about a matter which belongs to him, since, in giving us the Faith, he promises us not the good things of the earth, but the blessings of heaven, which fire can never consume ? "

A good woman named Liduvine, who had been instructed in that same Church, manifested, in a perilous [96] emergency, a most remarkable confidence in God. While in her own country with some of her compatriots, they were surprised by a band of Iroquois, who rushed from an ambush to fall upon them. Liduvine in her fright threw herself into the thickest of the great forest, dragging her four children after her. Finding herself abandoned by all human aid, she knelt on the earth, and with tears in her eyes addressed this prayer to God: " My JESUS, " she said, " we shall die if you have not pity on us. I am ill; I can hardly put one foot before the other, and these children cannot walk. Where shall we go : What shall we do without food and without strength ? From you alone do we expect help. You are infinitely good, and all-powerful. You love innocent children, and those who wish to serve you sincerely. Allow not these poor little creatures to die. Abandon not the mother, who begs you to pardon her sins, and who promises to go to confession at the first French settlement that she shall meet, if she [97] can reach it before she dies. " Thereupon, she continued her wanderings through those great woods, with no other provision than hope in God, nourishing herself, through the ten days of her march, with this thought, which she ever had in her heart, and which sometimes was uttered by her lips: " JESUS, you are good; you can

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give me life. You alone give strength to my children, to enable them to walk; you alone can prevent them from weeping, and from dying of hunger. " Finally, wearied with toil and fatigue, she was fortunate enough to reach three Rivers. Her joy was increased at meeting there her husband, who, she thought, had been killed in the fight. He had only just arrived by another road. To crown the blessings granted to her, that man, who was considered a great Juggler and a master Sorcerer, abandoned his infidelity to embrace the Faith of JESUS CHRIST through Baptism. The wife fulfilled her promise by making a good confession and by expressing her thanks and her gratitude to God, her sole benefactor.

One of our old Christians [98] displayed the courage of an Amazon in an attack made by a Frenchman upon her chastity, from which she came Forth victorious. Note how she related the matter to the Father who directs her conscience. Drawing from her bosom a Crucifix that she wore hung on her neck, " Do you see this Crucifix ? " (she said to him;) " on a former occasion it saved my body from the fire of the Iroquois; and last night it saved my soul from the flames of hell. I was pursued, a year ago, by the Iroquois, who wished to rob me of my honor and of my life. To save myself more easily and to escape from their fury, I threw away my baggage and most of my clothes, and fled almost naked into the woods. I took my Crucifix in my hand, — for there was no one to whom I could have recourse except him whom it represented to me,— and I said to him in the depths of my heart: 'My God and my Savior, I dread not death, as you know;

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but I fear to fall into the hands of those wretches, who make sport of the modesty of their unfortunate captives. Hide me in your wounds and in your side.' I kissed them lovingly, one after the other. [99] After that prayer, I felt such bodily strength that I could run very swiftly, and soon found myself out of danger from the enemy. My Father, " she said, " I had not yet told thee that marvel; here is another of which thou knowest not, and which embarrasses me greatly to tell thee, for it is very strange. Last night, this same Crucifix saved my soul, which a Frenchman endeavored to ruin by seeking to ravish my honor through his own unchastity. He took me by the hand, and, drawing me to one side, he made me enter a house; then, suddenly and violently, threw me upon a bed. I at once began to cry out; repulsing him, I drew out my Crucifix from my bosom and said to him in the heat of my anger: 'Wretch! what dost thou seek to do ? Dost thou wish to crucify once more him who has given his blood and his life for thee and for me? If thou dost not fear to injure my honor, fear to offend him who may damn thee. What! wouldst thou seek to ruin me while ruining thyself by a sin which is hateful to God At those words, he loosened his hold, and, [100] when I found myself delivered from so great a danger, I withdrew, quite bewildered, into my cabin, and resolved to ask Justice of the Captain of the French. " This happened in the evening; on the following morning that brave Christian woman went to the Father at the Church with a present in her hand, to offer it to God in thanksgiving for having saved her from the abyss into which she was about to fall, and to beg

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him to strengthen her on similar occasions. She then knelt down at the Father's feet to make her confession to him.

This same Amazon also performed another action as godly as it was generous. She was grievously offended by one of her relatives, and, feeling her heart inclined to vengeance, she said to it: " It is upon thee, who art wicked, that I will revenge myself. " Thereupon, she went to the person who had offered the insult, asked pardon of her, and earnestly begged her to forget the past, and to live with her as if they were sisters.

A poor sick woman, half rotten with ulcers, who had lain upon dung for two months, could not sufficiently express [101] her gratitude for the assistance tendered her by one of our Fathers through his care and his visits to her. " Ah, my Father," she said, " how good thou art to come and see me! I rejoice when I see thee. Thou makest me pray to God when I cannot do so by myself; thou encouragest me to bear my sickness patiently, and to turn it to my advantage; finally, thou openest the door of Heaven to me by thy visits and instructions. When I have seen thee during the day, it seems to me that,. at the end of the day, my pains have benefited me. "

A band of Savages nearly died of hunger in the woods last Winter. The Sorcerers and magicians had recourse to their demons, to obtain assistance in their necessities; they entered their tabernacle, they juggled, they beat their drums,-in a word, they spared no trick of their trade; but in vain. In that band of Savages, there was a good Christian, named Jean Baptiste, who was urged to renounce the prayer and to do like the others, in order to be delivered

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from hunger. " I have no wish to do so, " he said. " God is the sole Master of my [102] life ; he will dispose of it according to his good pleasure. I will have recourse to him, and I hope that he will not abandon me. Even if I must die for it, I will not alter my resolution; for, after all, if I serve him well, he will give me a happy life after this one, while you, who set him at naught, shall be miserable both in this life and in the other. "

His words proved true; for a portion of those who had recourse to the Demon were in very great distress, while he who kept apart from the Infidels experienced the effects neither of hunger nor of sickness, and still lives in the hope of eternal happiness.

One of the most famous Captains among the Algonquins gave a feast on the occasion of his second marriage, to which he invited some Frenchmen of note and the chief men of his nation. He addressed to them the following discourse: " My brothers, I am beginning to grow old. For nearly twenty years I have been, and have professed to be, a Christian. I am resolved to die in the Faith that I have embraced, and in the doctrine that the Fathers have taught me. I am marrying for the second time, but [103] in accordance with the usage of the Church, in order to bind myself more strongly to the obligation imposed upon Christians never to abandon their wives, and to break the evil habits that prevail at all times among our young people. If ever I fail on that score, or if I do anything contrary to Christianity, I beg you to reprove tne, and not to spare me. You will do me a favor by correcting me and leading me back to the right path." This Captain's words are

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good, but his deeds are still better. I know not whether he will have many imitators in that respect, since the law of the indissolubility of marriage formerly seemed a very hard one, even to some of the Disciples of JESUS CHRIST, who said to their Master: Si ita est causa hominis cum uxore, non expedit nubere.

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[104] CHAPTER X.



OUR Savages, " writes a Father who had charge of them, " are doing well. It seems to me that they manifest much more faith and piety than usual, especially those who belong to the Congregation, who number eighty, probati omnes testimonio fade et pietatis. They observed the time of Advent with especial fervor; each one endeavored to make more solid progress in virtue. Many, who considered one Mass too short to satisfy their devotion, heard two every day; some came to pay homage to the blessed Sacrament in the morning, before the hour of Prayer; others came at Noon, regularly; and neither cold nor bad weather could hinder their fervor.

[105]" For three weeks, certain violent fevers attacked many of our Savages, some of whom were entirely prostrated by it. The leading members of the Congregation took care to visit and console the sick, and this was more agreeable to them than my own visits. Our members of the Congregation manifested, in their own sickness, the same piety that they recommended to the others.,

" We have lost one of them,-named André, who was ripe for Paradise. He had prepared himself, from the beginning of Advent, with a fervor that caused him to be admired by all our Congregation. He suffered very much from a gunshot wound,

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which he had received in the thigh eight or nine months before, and could walk only with difficulty. He told me, at the beginning of Advent, that he would have liked very much to come and pray to God three times a day before the blessed Sacrament; but, as this was too difficult for him to accomplish, he said he would anticipate the ringing of our Bell in the morning and at night, and would not go out of the Chapel until all the Prayers were finished. [106] He usually came in the morning, three-quarters of an hour before all the others. He manifested a zeal which I have never observed in any Savage, in informing me of faults in the members of the Congregation, without sparing his own relatives; this greatly assisted me in applying a remedy.

" All our Congregation fasted on the Ember-days and on Christmas eve. This good man did so with such austerity that, when he came on the evening before Christmas to pass the night in the Chapel and await the time for Mass, he refused a piece of bread which I wished to give him for his collation. " I notified him that he was to fulfill his promise to our Lady on the day of the feast. While offering himself, he wished to add a present of porcelain beads, to show that all that belonged to him was at the service of the blessed Virgin.

" In the evening of the same day, he had a violent attack of the disease of which he died. He asked me for permission to give a feast to about a hundred Christians, to whom he spoke so highly of the esteem that he [107] had for the Faith that he touched the hearts of many of them, and some came to confession after they had left the feast. He died on the last day of the year. He was nearly always praying

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to God, and, on the day of his death, he said four decades of his Rosary. A quarter of an our before he passed away, about twenty of us were praying at the foot of his bed. He repeated all that we said, applying it to himself. When we said, "JESUS, have pity on this dying man, he would say, JESUS have pity on me. I am about to die, and I die joyfully, because I am a Christian.' He brought tears of devotion to our eyes. "

"Great was the honor done to him by the whole Village, and especially by the Congregation. As soon as he had breathed his last, eight Christians prayed to God on their knees near his body, one party succeeding another. On the following day, the leading members of the Congregation brought as a gift to his Cabin a moose-skin, beautifully painted, to honor his body, and the materials wherewith to give a feast to all who were invited. Our female Singers sang with much devotion [108] the songs for the dead, to the air of the Hymn, Pie Jesu Domnine. Then, a decade of the Rosary was recited by two choirs, responding one to the other. All the Congregation went, at the first stroke of the Bell, to the Chapel, whence they issued two by two, followed by the principal Officers. All proceeded in fine order to the gate of the Village, where the body was delivered to us; the members of the Congregation alone went back to the Chapel; and, when the body had been placed there, we said two decades of the Rosary and a number of other Prayers. After that, we carried the corpse to the spot where it was to be buried. The whole was done with rare modesty, and with a devotion that came from and went to the heart.

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" Our Christians gave various little presents of porcelain beads, oil, and indian corn to the infant Jesus, which we placed in the Cradle on Christmas; they were applied to the relief of the poor. May God bless these slight beginnings." So far, we have given the words of the Letter from the Father who then had charge of that Mission.

[109] A young man, about thirty years of age, who was noted for his warlike exploits, had always from his childhood possessed the Faith in his heart. But the profligacy of youth had caused him to fall into evil ways, all the more unfortunately because he possessed the attraction of beauty, which had so powerful an effect upon the minds of women, even of the most chaste among them, that he seemed to have some charm to win their hearts. As he frequently fell back into sin, one of our Fathers, indignant at his relapses, threatened him vigorously with the punishment of God, which would not fail to make itself soon felt on him. A few days afterward, in the horror of a dark night, a frightful specter appeared to him and seized him by the throat, as if to choke him. In this encounter, his thoughts turn to God and to the enormity of his sin. To be avenged for it upon himself, he takes a burning firebrand and applies it to his naked flesh, saying to himself: " Try, wretched sinner, whether thou canst endure the fire of hell. " The hand that had seized him by the throat to choke him loosens its hold, and he [110] finds himself free. He spends the remainder of the night in making promises to God that he will change his mode of life, and he impatiently awaits daybreak, that he may go to confession. This was not done without tears and deep contrition, which

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showed very well that it was a visitation of Heaven. He remained more than two hours in prayer, wherein his heart spoke more than his tongue. He was attacked by an illness which lasted several months, and was accompanied by extreme pain. It was a very great consolation to listen to the conversations that he held with God. He was never heard to utter a sigh except of love; and not a movement of impatience escaped him. His heart belonged to God, and sighed for him alone. When one of our Fathers went to visit him, he collected his strength, to show him that he considered himself happy at finding himself in a condition wherein he could think of God alone; and, embracing the Father affectionately, with tears in his eyes, he said to him: " Alas, shall my sins be forgiven me ? But, My Father, do you truly think that I shall go to Heaven, notwithstanding the sins that [111] I have committed against my God, who is to be my judge? " When we assured him of it, his tears flowed in great abundance, and he said d: " Ah! my God, how good you are, and how you alone deserve to be loved! My heart wishes to love you, and, the more I have sinned, the more do I wish to love you, and to die loving you." So long as he could speak, he spent a good part of the day and of the night in Prayer. He frequently took his Crucifix into his hands, and spoke to it so lovingly and so tearfully that those who saw him were deeply touched. He could not bear to be spoken to about earthly things. " I have lived too long for the earth, " he said; " it is time that I should live and die for Heaven." His mother begged him one day to ask on her behalf for about an arpent of land, in which she might sow corn for the support of her

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family; for our Fathers cause great clearings to be made in the woods; and, where the soil is fit for cultivation, they divide it up among those who are good Christians, and who have not [112] sufficient strength to provide for themselves. The young man, although exhausted by sickness, almost became angry with his Mother. " Am I in a condition, " he said to her, " to think of your fields? Why do you speak to me

of that which in a short time you will have to leave ? Why do you not speak to me of Heaven, since all our desires should tend thither ? " Then, addressing the Father, he said: " If she be not a better Christian than she has hitherto been, it is not right that she should have preference over those who are more deserving than she is; do whatever may be for her good. "

Having said this, he at once became himself again; and, thinking that he had spoken in too harsh a tone, he asked pardon of his Confessor.

Meanwhile, death draws near, he is seized with such violent convulsions, and utters such terrible cries, that every one is frightened. He seems to be fighting the apparition of some Demon. " Mary, come to my aid! JESUS, save me! My God, have pity on me! " he exclaims, as if quite beside [113] himself. His terrors and prayers continued to his last breath. The Father who attended him did not fail him in his need; he adored, at the same time, the effects of God's Justice and of his Mercy upon that young man, who endured the penalty of his sins up to his death that he might not endure them throughout eternity. His name was Jacques Atohonchioanne.

A young girl, who had been for nearly two years in the Seminary of the Ursulines, forgot, shortly after leaving there, the promises which she had frequently

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made to God to avoid sin. As remonstrances had no effect upon her, a person who loved her as God commands asked, on her behalf, that she might fall into a grievous illness, which might arrest the course of her dissoluteness and make her return to her former self. That prayer soon had its effect. She fell ill, and at once the seeds of Eternity that had been cast into her soul commenced to bring forth fruits of Paradise. She asked God for pardon with a truly contrite heart; she [114] thanked him lovingly for having put a stop to the dissoluteness of her life; she prayed him with wonderful tenderness of heart not to restore her health, of which she might perhaps make a bad use, but rather to prolong her sufferings and her illness. Then came death, and that was an assurance of her salvation.

On the same day, she had made a general Confession. One of her companions, who feared that she might have forgotten some of her sins, reminded her of them. She was already deprived of speech; her eyes spoke with her tears, and her mouth could speak only with the sobbing of her heart. The Father who was present gave her absolution, which she had asked by signs, and she at once expired.

A good Christian old woman had never been able to learn any other prayer than these few words: JESUS, have pity on me, that I may go to heaven after my death. " But she had such a habit of repeating them day and night that, when she was deprived of speech, and unconscious of all other things, [115] she continued to say that prayer up to her last breath; and this with a face so full of joy that, on seeing her lift her eyes to heaven, it was easy to observe that all her desires centered there.

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A year ago, five Agnieronnon Iroquois were made prisoners of war by the Algonquins and Hurons, and were burned, after receiving holy Baptism; but what pleased us most in their conversion was, that we found four of them sufficiently instructed when we first spoke to them. Our Christians in their captivity sow the seeds of Christianity wherever they happen to be.

One of them, who had learned a prayer which appealed to JESUS CHRIST, asked us of his own accord to tell him about the Mother who had borne him while she remained a Virgin. " Both, " said he, " the Mother and the Son, have entered into my heart. I do not wish to separate them, and I wish my tongue to pray to them until I die. " In fact, he continually invoked them until his last breath.

Last year, a Frenchman witnessed [116] the happy death of two Hurons, who were burned in the country of the Agnieronnon Iroquois, where that Frenchman was a captive. He assured us that those two Hurons, before being tied to the stake at which they were to be burned, asked for time to pray to God. Their request was granted them. When the younger of the two perceived the Frenchman, he said to him: " My Brother, if ever thou shouldst see Outsitsont " (that is the name given by the Hurons to Monsieur de Becancourt, with whom that young Huron had lived for two years), " thou shalt tell him that I die a Christian; that the tortures frighten me not, because they cannot take from me the hope of Paradise. "

A poor Christian Algonquin woman, who had been captured at the same time and was about to be burned, also said her prayers before dying, and requested the same Frenchman to pray with her.

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The God whom the Christians adore is no less adorable in the midst of fires and flames, in the midst of .a pagan and barbarous people, than in the most august Churches of the earth.

[117] A Christian woman, on hearing of the approach of the Iroquois, fled with her two little children who could hardly follow her, and they wandered in the woods for six days. On their return, one of the Fathers asked the poor woman on what they had lived in the woods. - " I lived on prayers, " she replied quite simply. " -hen I grew weak, I said my Rosary, and I at once felt my strength return, and continued my way. As for my .children, I tried to find for them some small roots and the tips of the branches of small shrubs, on which the animals live in the woods. At night, I put my children to sleep; and, as I could not sleep myself, I passed the nights almost entirely in prayer and in saying my Rosary. It is the blessed Virgin alone who has saved my life, and whom I wish to serve with all my heart until my death. " The devotion of that poor woman, and the piety which she has shown for several years, deserved that assistance from Heaven.

A young woman said, some time ago: " Very early in the morning, I long to be in the Church; and, when it is time [118] to leave, it seems as if we had only just gone in. "

A good old man, a Christian of long standing, was insulted, and nevertheless expressed no indignation at it. When asked whence he derived that equanimity of mind, he replied: " If I were in sin, I would, when I am calumniated and loaded with insults, be angry at it. But, as I am not in fault therein, I have

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more reason to rejoice than to be sorry for it. God, who sees the bottom of my heart, knows my innocence full well, and that consoles me. "

A widow was solicited to do evil by a rich young man, who offered her a valuable gift, and promised to assist her in her poverty. " Wretch! " replied the woman; " go away and leave me in my poverty. Provided that I die a Christian without falling into sin, I shall soon be a thousand times richer than thou. God promises me much more than thou, and he will keep his word to me. I would be foolish to take less and involve myself in sin. "

[119] Another widow, who had no other support in the world than her only son, whom she tenderly loved, lost him, and saw him carried off before her eyes by the Agnieronnon Iroquois. She had recourse to God with truly Christian resignation. " My God, " she said to him, " it has been your will to test my faithfulness, and to try whether I meant it from the bottom of my heart when I said that I preferred you above all things. You see it now. It is true that I think of my son, and that I weep for him night and day; but it is also true that I think much more of you, and that, while I weep, I tell you that I am content, because I know that it is you who have permitted it. "

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THE country of the five Iroquois Nations, before their conquests, lay between the 40th and 50th degrees of latitude; [120] at present, we do not know the extent of their dominion, which has been increased on all sides by their military valor. Our residence is situated between the 42nd and 43rd degrees on the shores of the little Lake Gannentaa, which would be one of the most commodious and most agreeable dwelling-places in the world, without excepting even the levee of the River Loire, if its Inhabitants were as polished and as tractable.

It has advantages that are wanting in the rest of Canada; for, besides grapes, plums, and many other fruits,-which it has in common with the fine Provinces of Europe, it has a number of others, which excel ours in beauty, fragrance, and taste. The forests consist almost entirely of chestnut and walnut trees. There are two kinds of nuts; one kind is as sweet and agreeable to the taste as the other is bitter but, with all their bitterness, an excellent oil is extracted from them by passing them through the ashes, through the mill, through fire, and through water, in the same way as the Savages extract oil from sunflowers. 19 [121] Stoneless cherries are found there. Fruits grow there which are of the color and size of an apricot, whose blossom is like that of the

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white lily, and which smell and taste like the citron. There are apples as large as a goose's egg; the seed has been brought from the country of the Cats and looks like beans; the fruit is delicate and has a very sweet smell; the trunk is of the height and thickness of our dwarf trees; it thrives in swampy spots and in good soil. But the most common and most wonderful plant in those countries is that which we call the universal plant, because its leaves, when pounded, heal in a short time wounds of all kinds; these leaves, which are as broad as one's hand, have the shape of a lily as depicted in heraldry; and its roots have the smell of the laurel. The most vivid scarlet, the brightest green, the most natural yellow and orange of Europe pale before the various colors that our Savages procure from roots. I say nothing of trees as tall as oaks, whose leaves are as large and as open as those of cabbages; or of many other plants, [122] peculiar to this country, because as yet we are ignorant of their properties.20

The springs, which are as numerous as they are wonderful, are nearly all mineral. Our little Lake, which is only six or seven leagues in circumference, is almost entirely surrounded by salt springs. The water is used for salting and seasoning meat, and for making very good salt. It often forms of itself in fine crystals with which nature takes pleasure in surrounding these springs. The salt that forms at a spring about two days' journey from our residence, toward Oiogoen, is much stronger than that from the springs of Gannentaa; for, when the water — which looks as white as milk, and the smell of which is perceptible from a great distance — is boiled, it leaves a kind of salt almost as corrosive as Caustic. The

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rocks about that spring are covered with a foam as thick as cream. The spring in the direction of Sonnontouan is no less wonderful; for its water — being of the same [123] nature as the surrounding soil, which has only to be washed in order to obtain perfectly pure sulfur — ignites when shaken violently, and yields sulfur when boiled. As one approaches nearer to the country of the Cats, one finds heavy and thick water, which ignites like brandy, and boils up in bubbles of flame when fire is applied to it. It is, moreover, so oily, that all our Savages use it to anoint and grease their heads and their bodies.21

One must not be astonished at the fertility of this country, for it is everywhere watered by Lakes, Rivers, and Springs, which are found even on the highest mountains. But, if these waters make the earth fertile, they themselves are none the less fruitful in what pertains to them. The fish most commonly found in them are Eels and Salmon, which are caught there from the Spring to the end of Autumn. Our Savages construct their dams and sluices so well, that they catch at the same time the Eels, that descend, and the [124] Salmon, that always ascend. In the Lakes, they catch fish in a different manner; they spear them with a trident by the light of a bituminous fire, which they maintain in the bows of their canoes.

The temperature of the atmosphere, which resembles that of France, added to those advantages supplied by the waters and the earth, greatly facilitates the conversion of the Savages. We have reason to hope, therefore, that their capricious and peculiar disposition, of which we are about to speak, will be the only obstacle to their blessedness.

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THE Iroquois, of whose Villages we have as yet discovered only fourteen, are divided into the Lower and the Upper Iroquois. The former consist only of the Anniehronnons, who are the most cruel, and with whom we [125] have less communication. Under the name of Upper Iroquois are comprised the Sonnontouaehronnons, who are the most numerous; the Onontagéhronnons, who are the most influential, and our most faithful allies; the Oiogoenhronnons, who are the most arrogant; and the Onneiouthronnons, who are the weakest of all.

The character of all these Nations is warlike and cruel; and, as they have no neighbors to fight, because they have subjugated all of them, they go to seek new enemies in other countries. Not long ago, they went to carry war very far beyond the country of the Cats, to peoples who have as yet no knowledge of Europeans, by whom they are equally unknown. The chief virtue of these poor Pagans being cruelty, just as mildness is that of Christians, they teach it to their children from their very cradles, and accustom them to the most atrocious carnage and the most barbarous spectacles. Their first expeditions are undertaken merely for the purpose of shedding human blood [126] and of signaling themselves by murders; and their infantile bands, armed with hatchets and guns which they can hardly carry, do

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not fail to spread fear and horror everywhere. They go to war at a distance of two or three hundred leagues from their country, over inaccessible rocks and through vast forests, provided solely with hope, and leaving in their Villages, for whole years at a time, only their women and little children. But a few scalps that they bring back, or a few prisoners of war, destined to be butchered by them, are the trophies with which they consider their labors happily rewarded.

Nevertheless, these victories cause almost as much loss to them as to their enemies, and they have depopulated their own Villages to such an extent, that they now contain more Foreigners than natives of the country. Onnontaghé‚ counts seven different nations, who have come to settle in it; and there are as many as eleven in Sonnontouan. Thus, their ruin, caused by their conquests, gives us the advantage of preaching the Faith to a number of various Nations, whom [127] we could not visit and instruct each in its own country.

Their marriages make only the bed common to the husband and wife; each one lives, during the day, with his own relatives. The wife goes to her husband at night, returning early next morning to the home of her mother or of her nearest relative, and the husband does not dare to enter his wife's cabin until she has had some children by him. The only community of property between them is, that the husband gives all the products of his hunting to his wife, who in return renders him certain services, and is obliged to till his fields and harvest the crops.

They make their most serious illnesses ridiculous

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by the gross superstition with which they seek to cure them. They are convinced that they are afflicted with diseases only because the soul is in want of something for which it craves; and that it is only necessary to give it what it desires, in order to detain it peacefully in the body. They all vie with each other as to who shall be [128] the most liberal, giving to the sick person all the presents that he desires and on which he considers that his life depends. A dying man may be seen surrounded by awls, scissors, knives, bells, needles, and a thousand other trifles, from the least of which he expects to obtain health. If at last he happen to die, his death is attributed to the absence of some article that he desired. " He dies, " say they, " because his soul wished to eat the flesh of a dog, or of a man; because a certain hatchet that he wished for could not be procured; or because a fine pair of leggings that had been taken from him could not be found." If, on the contrary, the sick man recover his health, he attributes his cure to the gift of the last thing that he wished for during his illness, and afterward he cherishes it forever, preserving it carefully until his death. Thus, as they believe that all their illnesses, are due to the same cause, they also recognize but one remedy for effecting their cure.

The Dead are not more exempt from their superstitions than the sick. [129] As soon as any one dies in a cabin, one hears in it the cries and lamentations uttered by the assembled relatives of all ages and both sexes; and so frightful are they that one would take that lugubrious uproar, which lasts for months and even for entire years, for the howlings of Hell. Meanwhile, — after the dead man is buried, and his

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grave is filled with provisions for the sustenance of his soul, and after a sort of sacrifice has been offered to him by burning a certain quantity of corn, — the elders, with the friends and relatives of the deceased, are invited to a feast, to which each one brings his presents to console the most afflicted. Thus did they proceed in the presence of a Father of our Society, who, at one of those ceremonies, represented Monsieur the Governor. One of the most notable of the Elders, with grave demeanor, exclaimed in a lugubrious voice: Ai, ai, ai, agatondichon. " Alas, alas, alas, my beloved relatives! I have neither mind nor words wherewith to console you. I can do nothing but mingle my tears with yours, and complain of the severity [130] of the illness that treats us so ill. Ai, ai, ai, agatondichon. I am, nevertheless, consoled when I see Onnontio and the remainder of the French weeping with us. But, take courage, my relatives! Let us not cause sorrow any longer to so honorable a guest; but let us dry the tears of Onnontio by wiping away our own. Here is a present that will dry up their source. " The present that he gave at the same time was a fine collar of Porcelain beads, and it was followed by the gifts and condolences of all the others. The liberality of the women was not less than that of the men on that occasion. The ceremony concluded with a feast, the best morsels of which were reserved for the sick persons of rank in the Village. As all this could not arrest the tears and the cries of one mother, one of the relatives, in order to testify his devotion by consoling her, disinterred the dead body; and, after clothing it with new garments, he threw the grave-clothes into the fire. This he did two or three

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times on different occasions, until he found nothing but the bare bones, which he wrapped up in a covering to present them [131] to the afflicted woman. Finally, some time after these ceremonies, the liberality of those who have given presents of consolation is acknowledged by distributing among them the effects of the deceased, to which other things are added if these do not suffice.

There is nothing for which these peoples have a greater horror than restraint. The very children cannot endure it, and live as they please in the houses of their parents, without fear of reprimand or of chastisement. Not that they are not punished sometimes by having their lips and their tongues rubbed with a very bitter root; but this is seldom done for fear that vexation might lead the children to cause their own death by eating certain noxious plants, which they know to be poisonous. These are most often used by the married women, to revenge themselves for the ill treatment of their husbands by thus leaving them the reproach of their death.

However, amid so many defects due to their blindness and to their barbarous training, they still possess [132] virtues which might cause shame to most Christians. No Hospitals are needed among them, because there are neither mendicants nor paupers as long as there are any rich people among them. Their kindness, humanity, and courtesy not only make them liberal with what they have, but cause them to possess hardly anything except in common. A whole village must be without corn, before any individual can be obliged to endure privation. They divide the produce of their fisheries equally with all who come; and the only reproach the address to

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us is our hesitation to send to them oftener for our supply of provisions.

In our last Relation, we stated how closely their superstitions were connected with their dreams; but the instances that we have since seen are too extraordinary to be omitted. A woman, who was very ill at Onnontaghé‚, had dreamed that she required a black gown to effect her cure. But, as the recent cruel massacre of our Fathers by those Barbarians deprived them of all hope of being able [133] to obtain one from us, they applied to the Dutch, who sold them at a very high price the wretched cassock of Father Poncet, who had shortly before been despoiled of it by the Annienhronnons. The woman attributed her cure to it, and wished to keep it all her life as a precious relic. It was in her hands that we recognized it. They have only to dream of a thing, to be induced to undertake long journeys to seek it. Last Summer a woman'- who could not find at Kebec a French dog that she had come there to get, because a nephew of hers had seen it in a dream - undertook a second journey of more than four hundred leagues, over the snow, the ice, and the roughest roads, to seek the animal so ardently desired at the place whither it had been taken. Would to God that we paid as much heed to the inspirations of heaven as these Barbarians do to their dreams!

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us is our hesitation to send to them oftener for our supply of provisions.

In our last Relation, we stated how closely their superstitions were connected with their dreams; but the instances that we have since seen are too extraordinary to be omitted. A woman, who was very ill at Onnontaghé‚, had dreamed that she required a black gown to effect her cure. But, as the recent cruel massacre of our Fathers by those Barbarians deprived them of all hope of being able [133] to obtain one from us, they applied to the Dutch, who sold them at a very high price the wretched cassock of Father Poncet, who had shortly before been despoiled of it by the Annienhronnons. The woman attributed her cure to it, and wished to keep it all her life as a precious relic. It was in her hands that we recognized it. They have only to dream of a thing, to be induced to undertake long journeys to seek it. Last Summer a woman'- who could not find at Kebec a French dog that she had come there to get, because a nephew of hers had seen it in a dream - undertook a second journey of more than four hundred leagues, over the snow, the ice, and the roughest roads, to seek the animal so ardently desired at the place whither it had been taken. Would to God that we paid as much heed to the inspirations of heaven as these Barbarians do to their dreams!

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charm in our conversation, he does not leave us without a feeling of joy at being in their company.

Not one of us was ill last winter, without their manifesting that they shared his trouble by giving him liberally of their game, just as they afterward showed by their presents the joy which they felt at his recovery.

The alliances that we contract with the Savages according to the fashion of the country constitute one of the most excellent means with which God has inspired us for maintaining ourselves, and for [136] advancing the faith among them. Those poor Barbarians feel like fathers, brothers, children, and nephews toward us when we call them by those names. The most advantageous of those alliances is that which the Father Superior, called Achiendasé‚ has contracted with Sagochiendagesité‚ who exercises Royal power and authority over the whole Nation of Onontagé, although he does not bear that title. The contract of their union, which was concluded in the presence of the envoys of the five Nations, has since then always caused them to consider the French as a portion of their people, whom they are obliged to cherish and defend with all their might.

Consequently, they have since then always rendered us the same services that they render to their most faithful friends. The chief men among them came with mournful cries to console us for the death of two of our French. He who carried the presents of condolence addressed himself to the Father Superior, saying: " The Elders of our country have the custom of wiping away one another's [137] tears when they are afflicted by any misfortune. We come, Achiendasé‚, to perform that friendly duty toward

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thee. We weep with thee, because misfortune cannot touch thee without piercing us by the same blow; and we cannot, without extreme regret, see thee suffer so in our country, after having left thine own, where thou wert perfectly comfortable. Sickness casts thy nephews into the depths of a land whose extent thou knowest not as yet. Ah, how the cruel Demon seizes the opportunity to afflict those whom he hates! To do that evil deed, he chooses the very moment when thou hast the greatest need of thy nephews to build thy cabins, to fortify thyself, and to till thy fields. After harassing them in vain throughout the Summer, and finding himself' too weak to attack thee, he has leagued himself with the Demons of fever and death, in order to add our loss to yours, and to work havoc among us still more than among you. But take courage, our brother; we wipe away the tears from thine eyes, that [138] thou mayst see that not all thy nephews are dead. We open thine eyes with this present, that thou mayst consider those who are left to thee, and by thy pleasant looks restore life and joy to them at the same time. As to our two nephews who are dead, they must not go naked into the other world; here are fine grave-clothes wherewith to cover them. Here is something also wherewith to place them in their graves, to prevent the sight of them from renewing thy grief, and to remove all sorts of lugubrious objects away from thy eyes. This present is to level the earth in which I have placed them; and this other one, to erect a palisade around their grave, in order that the flesh-eating animals and birds may not disturb their rest. Finally, this last present is to calm thy mind and restore it to its seat, that our

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peace may continue as firm as before, and that no Demon may impair it. "

Such were the very words of the harangue of that grave Barbarian. It was accompanied by eight fine presents of collars of Porcelain beads, which he gave us on [139] behalf of the public. Several individuals displayed the same civility and the same liberality, which we repaid with interest at every opportunity that we could find.

As the alliance that we have contracted with Sagochiendagesité‚ makes us also the brothers of the

Sonnontouaehronnons and fathers of the Oiogoenhronnons, those three Nations came to express their thanks to us for it. The Sonnontouaehronnons, however, displayed more gratitude than the others; they presented to us, in order to secure our presence among them, a dwelling possessing great advantages, both, because it is furnished with an abundance of all kinds of provisions, and because it can maintain easy communication with the residence of Onnontaghé‚.

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THE Insolence, the superstition, and the extreme dissoluteness of these peoples, [140] added to the cruelty that has made them the sole persecutors of the primitive Church in these countries, led us to expect a result of this Mission quite different from that which the protection of God has enabled us to attain. The murderers of the Preachers of the Gospel — those ravenous wolves that had vented their fury on the fold of JESUS CHRIST, with greater rage and more atrocious tortures than any Nero or Diocletian — now embrace our holy Religion with more fervor than those whom they have exterminated, and assume the yoke of the Same faith of which they were, some years ago, the Oppressors. They repeople the Church which their cruelty had depopulated; they build in their own country more Chapels than they had destroyed in that of their neighbors. God's providence makes them take the place of the poor Christians whom they have exterminated, and the exhortations of our Martyrs, more ardent than the flames and the fires from the midst of which they preached, now produce such marvelous effects upon their executioners that more [141] Iroquois have become Christians in two months than there were Hurons converted in several years. They ask as fervently and devoutly for the waters of

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Baptism, as they had insolently contemned them by pouring boiling water on the heads of the Preachers, in derision of that Sacrament. If they urgently ask to be admitted to the number of the Faithful and to bear the Illustrious name of Christians, they take no less care to become worthy of that grace, and to perform the duties connected with it. Their fervor would cause this nascent Church to be taken for a Church already formed and established for many years,- nay, for several centuries. It would indeed be difficult to find in the older Churches so great eagerness to attend the public prayers and Instructions, combined with so great modesty, and so perfect submission to all the duties of a Christian.

Two Fathers of our Society — who do not leave the Onnontaghé‚ Mission, where the fervor of Christianity is greatest — find in [142] the Onnontagéhronnons a gentleness in their conversation and a civility which hardly savors in any wise of Barbarism. The children there are docile, the women inspired with the tenderest devotion, the elders affable and respectful the warriors less arrogant than they seem. And, on the whole, the favor that the people manifest for our doctrine and our practices leads us to expect no slight progress for our holy Faith. God makes use of their superstitions and false piety to derive his glory from them. He gives us the means of sanctifying their tendency to practice some Divine worship and to perform some ceremonies of Religion; we make them change the object of these, and address to the true God the invocations and words of adoration which they formerly employed in their sacrifices, when they offered the best of what they possessed to some unknown Divinity.

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The custom observed by these Nations, of giving one another each year friendly presents in the [143] Councils— and public Assemblies, will afford us on those occasions, when giving and receiving public presents, a favorable opportunity for explaining our mysteries, instead of reciting things that are passed and are the most remote from memory, as they do in performing those ceremonies.

In the same manner, also, we take advantage of the custom followed 'by the relatives and elders, of meeting during the night after a funeral, to relate stories of olden times. We turn their curiosity to advantage on such occasions; imperceptibly and at leisure, we cast the seeds of the Faith into their souls, by explaining to them in the relation of those stories our mysteries, and the marvels of our Religion.

Who would not admire the goodness of God, who, for the welfare of these poor Infidels, makes use of the same means as the devil did to seduce them ? Dreams — which constituted the God and the great Master of those peoples, and which frequently, before the Preaching of [144] the Gospel, had led many to the practice of . Moral virtues — have even caused some to embrace the Faith. One of our two Fathers who are employed at Onnontagé‚ writes us, that a young girl, upon whose mind his exhortations had no effect, was converted by a dream, — which, she says, showed her in Heaven the truth of what we preach to them.

Nevertheless, our labors are not unhindered by obstacles; and the Gospel finds there enemies who contend against it, in order that the victories of the Faith may be real victories. For, not only do the warlike and impetuous nature, the unbounded

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licentiousness, and the continual raids of the young men delay the conversion of the country, but the devil repeats there also all the calumnies which he formerly employed, with more success, to give the Hurons a bad opinion of us, and to prevent our Fathers from deriving g from their labors the fruits that they expected therefrom.

Our Society, which endeavors to imitate him whose name it has the honor to bear, and in whose service it has employed itself [145] in every country of the world, glories in being assailed by calumnies as he was. Thus, there are everywhere a great many who confer upon it that honor, which, although it is usually advantageous to it, nevertheless some times prevents the fruits that it seeks to bring forth in the Church. But it is difficult to find grosser calumnies than those which the spirit of falsehood suggests to these poor Savages. We are frequently accused of exhorting them to strive for Paradise, in order to burn them there at our leisure; and there are some who say that they have risen from the dead and have witnessed all that.

A single woman has been able to find some, though few in number, weak enough to be intimidated by dreams of that kind. While endeavoring to prepare for Baptism and for death, that poor Pagan woman, whose jaw was dislocated, she fell into a swoon, and, on recovering consciousness soon after, she related news of the other world. She had been taken, she said, to the land where the souls of the French go; but, as she was [146] preparing to enter, she saw a bluish smoke rising from the center of Paradise, which caused her to mistrust what was going on. Then at two different times, she looked more

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attentively, and saw several of her countrymen being burned by the French amid loud shouting. This had induced her to escape from the hands of those who were leading her to heaven, and to return to life, in order to avoid similar treatment, and to warn the public of the danger that lay in believing the French.

We have not so much trouble to clear ourselves of such ridiculous reproaches, as we have to disabuse the people of the rumors spread by some Huron Apostates, who attribute to the Faith all the wars, diseases, and calamities of the country. They allege their own experience in confirmation of their imposture; they assert that their change of Religion has caused their change of fortune; and that their Baptism was at once followed by every possible misfortune. The Dutch, they say, have preserved the Iroquois by allowing them to live [147] in their own fashion, just as the black Gowns have ruined the Hurons by preaching the faith to them. Finally, they mention as their most convincing proof the case of a Catechumen, a woman of Onnontaghé; she fell ill, they say, on our arrival, having been bewitched by the hair of a dog from Kebec, as was discovered by the Sorcerer of the country after endeavoring for a long while to ascertain the cause of the illness.

This calumny made less impression on their minds than the one instigated by the Devil against the Father who started last Winter from Onnontaghé to come for us; his journey gave rise to the belief, that the great mortality which then prevailed in the country was due to his search for souls, a box full of which he wished to take along with him. Although their traditional belief that Souls issue forth from their bodies from time to time, especially a short

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while before death, seemed to favor that delusion, this rumor, nevertheless, soon disappeared of its own accord, and had no unpleasant consequences.

[148] Thus it is seen that the obstacles are far less than the means which we have for advancing the Faith in those regions. And these means would be more considerable if the compassion and charity of' good people were greater; for one of the most important fruits that could be gathered in this country would be the redemption of the Christian captives in the hands of the Iroquois. It would be useful, not only in saving the Souls and the bodies of those poor slaves, but also in converting the Iroquois who are attracted by such examples. It is only necessary to make known to zealous persons the misery endured by the Huron and other captives, to induce them to display a liberality equal to the pity that they will feel for them.

The Iroquois have three classes of captives. The first are those who, having willingly submitted to the yoke of the conquerors and elected to remain among them, have become heads of families after the deaths of their Masters, or have married. Although they lead a tolerably easy life, they are looked upon as slaves, and have no voice, either active or passive, in the public Councils. The [149] second class are those who have fallen into slavery after having been the richest and the most esteemed in their own villages, and who receive no other reward from their Masters, in exchange for their ceaseless labor and sweat, than food and shelter. But the fate of the third class is much more deplorable; it consists chiefly of young women or girls, who, because they have not yet found a husband among the Iroquois, are

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constantly exposed to the danger of losing their honors or their lives through the brutal lechery or cruelty of their Masters or Mistresses. Every moment is one of dread for them; their rest is never free from anxiety and danger; the only punishment for even their slightest faults is death; and their most harmless and most holy actions may be considered as faults. When a Barbarian has split the head of his slave with a hatchet, they say: " It is a dead dog; there is nothing to be done but to cast it upon the dunghill. " Thus a poor Christian captive called Magdelaine, afflicted with a consumptive disease, was cured by her Mistress, [150] who killed her with as much inhumanity as she had previously manifested kindness toward her, when she adopted her as her mother. We have but too many examples of this nature. May God be pleased so to excite the compassion of those upon whom he has conferred an abundance of earthly goods, in order that they may acquire heavenly blessings, that, their liberality having delivered those poor captives from a great and such manifest dangers, we may be unable in the coming years to relate similar instances.

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ALTHOUGH the two Fathers who passed the winter at Onnontaghé‚ in the year 1656 had gone there as Ambassadors rather than as Preachers of the Gospel, they did not fail from that very moment to sow the divine seed in those uncultivated lands, and to dispose them to make peace with God by inducing them [151] to become reconciled with men. They took advantage of the facility with which, without offending them, they could teach the Christian doctrine, hold prayers in a small Chapel, and baptize the children. But they exercised their zeal only with moderation, in order to obtain afterward opportunities of displaying it more freely, and of opening a wider door to the Gospel by procuring peace with the French.

Therefore, in the following Summer, after the Fathers were established, they openly declared war against Paganism, not only in Onnontaghé, but also in all the other Iroquois countries to which they could obtain access. Sixteen or seventeen Nations, differing in country, in customs, and in language, to whom they bore the light of the Faith, have opened their eyes to the truths that were preached to them. And God, who has, from a distance of four hundred leagues around, gathered those captives of various nations to make them share the freedom of his

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children, renders the Iroquois language, the only one in which we preach, [152] sufficiently intelligible to them to enable them to be instructed in our mysteries.

But we observe in the Onnontagheronnons more fervor and a greater leaning toward Christianity than in all the others, and they are as constant in the faith as they were zealous in attaching g themselves to it. Threats and the fear of death could not sever them from it. Thus the daughter of one of the notables of Onnontaghé‚, when very ill, refused to listen to a wicked woman who tried to persuade her that, as her baptism had caused her illness, the visits of the black Gown would accomplish her death; she waited to tell the Father of that temptation, until she had received his Instructions and finished her prayers.

A Huron captive named Therese — who before her slavery had belonged to a good family, and had held the rank of Princess — manifested still greater courage. An indisposition prevented her from fulfilling a command of her Master, namely, to go and bring some meat from a distance of a day's journey. [153] She awaited from hour to hour the death-blow with which the furious Barbarian had threatened her, and which she was so sure to receive that every one already looked upon her as dead. Such was her courage, and her confidence in our mysteries, that after confessing herself with all the sentiments of a truly Christian Soul, she went at once full of joy to her tyrant, and begged him to hasten the death that he had intended for her, because he could not render her a better service. The Barbarian, as well as all those who were present, was surprised at such boldness; and from that moment he felt more shame for

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his evil design than desire to carry it out. So great is the ascendancy that Christian magnanimity has over minds.

It is incredible what a powerful effect examples of courage have in winning over these Infidels. The bravery displayed by the Fathers who teach them — going, without changing countenance, into villages and cabins, where they are told that death and torture await them — produces as much fruit in their Souls as admiration in their minds. [154] It has made so deep an impression on the hearts of the Elders and Captains, — who, at the outset, manifested every possible indifference to our mysteries, — that now some of them are Catechumens in secret, and others openly profess the Faith, while not one of them opposes the progress of the Gospel. It is true, the fatal example of Hondiatarase serves them as a warning. That poor wretch was a man of ability and intrigue; he had charge of a portion of the affairs of the country, and spoke best in the Councils; he alone, among all the Elders, had ventured openly to oppose the Gospel, to enter into a dispute about our mysteries, and to defend the Myths of the country. But God knew how to remove that obstacle to his glory, and how to punish the blasphemies of that insolent man. A nephew of his, who believed himself injured by him, split his head with a hatchet, on the very spot where we were to erect the Cross that he wished to overthrow, and at the very moment when the Fathers started from Kebec to come and establish their residence here.

[155] If God has manifested his Justice in that instance he has displayed his infinite mercy in many others. For a long while the Father could produce

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no effect on the mind of a proud and haughty woman, who was as difficult to convert as her brother Jean Baptiste Achiongeras had proved docile to the light of the Gospel,-he who had had the honor of being the first Christian of his country. He had recourse to Saint Magdalene with such success that, on the second day of the novena, the converted Sinner came to ask for Baptism, and received the name of her benefactress.

The same Father learned that a Christian Huron woman, who was very ill, had been for twenty-four days in the midst of a wood; she had been taken. thither by some persons who had an affection for her to save her from the cruelty of her Master. He proceeded there at once, and found, not the Christian, but another, a poor Pagan woman, also very ill, who was so easily instructed and converted that she asked for and at once received Baptism. [156] Happy was she to find so unexpectedly the life of the soul two days before the death of the body; and to learn so opportunely the means of retrieving the slight loss which she was about to experience by gaining the greatest, or rather the only, treasure in the world.

Another poor woman, of the Cat Nation, was condemned by her Masters to be delivered by a bloody death from a kind of dropsy that had afflicted her for some time. Her body and her Soul were cured almost simultaneously. One of her relatives begged the Father to go and see her, and he delivered her from the danger of her illness and the cruelty of her Masters; he cured her in two hours, by making her take some pignons d’Inde,22 and then by preparing her for Baptism.

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God, who turns all things to the advantage of his Elect, used in as admirable a manner the curiosity of a woman of Onnontaghé‚. She went to Gannentaa solely to see our French people and entered, by chance, [157] the house with the Catechumens; she participated in the little charities that we practice there, and still more in our Instructions. Thus it happened, at length, that she brought her daughter to be baptized, and asked to be allowed to pray to God among the Catechumens.

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IMMEDIATELY after our arrival in the country, we had adopted the Onnontagehronnons as brothers, and the Oiogoenhronnons and Onneiouthronnons as children; and, in order to observe the forms of that alliance, we had to go to their land to give them our presents. We shall be obliged- to do so every year, to make our kinship more useful and more desirable to them. This necessity can only be most agreeable to us, because it gives us the means of preaching [158] the Gospel to them while giving them our presents, as we have happily commenced to do.

With that object in view, Fathers Chaumont and Menart started, at about the end of August of the year 1656 , for Oiogoen, where they arrived two days later. After remaining there some time, Father Chaumont went to Sonnontouan, leaving at the former place Father Menart, who is working at the foundation of that nascent Church. This is what he writes us about it. " '

"The aversion to the Faith and to our persons that the Hurons had excited in the minds of the natives of the country, by leading them to believe that we carried disease and misfortune into every region that we entered, caused us to be received with a rather cold welcome, and the presents which we

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gave for the Faith to be despised. However, the Elders - who from motives of temporal interest did not wish to break with us, and who thought that a trial of the Faith would not be dangerous to the lives of their slaves-caused, four days after our arrival, a Chapel to be built. They themselves worked at it [159] so assiduously that in two days it was finished and in a condition to receive the Christians. After having carpeted it with the finest mats, I hung up in it the Picture of our Lord and that of Our Lady. The novelty of the spectacle so astonished the Barbarians, that they came in crowds to gaze at it, and to observe the faces and the expression of the two pictures. I then had continual opportunities explaining our mysteries to them, as they asked various questions about the Pictures; in fact, I held but one Catechism each day, which lasted from morning till night. This so familiarized their minds that in a few days we had several Neophytes, not only among the Hurons and the slaves, but also among the natives of the country.

"Many brought me their children to be baptized, and assisted me in teaching them their Prayers by repeating them with me. In a short time, grace produced such a wonderful change that the little children, who at the beginning generally made me [160] the butt of their jests and hootings, afterward rendered me the services of good Angels. They introduced me into the cabins; they waited for me at the places where I stopped, and they told me the names of the children whom I baptized, as well as those of their parents. These names the Barbarians are in the habit of carefully concealing from us, because they think that we write them down to send

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them to France and there procure their death by magic.

" God's providence supplied me with three very good Masters for learning their language. They were three brothers, natives of the country, and of excellent character. The kindness with which they frequently asked me to their homes, and the patience and assiduity with which they taught me, soon enabled me to instruct them, and to teach them our mysteries by showing them some Pictures, about. which they evinced the greatest possible curiosity. -

" The first adult whom I deemed worthy of Baptism was an old man eighty years of age. His heart "' " ' was touched by God on hearing me instruct [161] Christian, and he sent for me two days afterward, — being, it seemed, sick unto death. I did not hesitate to administer Baptism to him For I found in him all the dispositions of a Soul destined to heaven, on. the road to which he still has some leisure to prepare himself.

" The second whom I baptized was a maimed warrior, whose face was covered with a canker horrible to look at. This poor afflicted man received my visit with as much joy as he had ardently desired it, and applied himself so well to learning the prayers and the instructions that I shortly afterward administered Baptism to him in our Chapel. Perhaps the graces that God has granted to him are the fruits of the charity that he formerly displayed toward Fathers Brebeuf and l'Allemant. He told me that he had been an eye-witness of their death; that — as he had acquired some influence among his countrymen by his bravery on that day, having killed eight Hurons with his own hand, and made five others

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prisoners — he had had compassion on the [162] two captive Fathers, and had obtained them from the Anniehronnons in exchange for two fine collars of Porcelain beads, with the view of sending them back to us; but that soon afterward they had returned him his presents, had taken the two prisoners from him, and had burned them with all the fury imaginable.

" That poor Lazarus, whom I so named in Baptism, is highly respected in the village, and is the first prop that God has been pleased to give to this little Church, which is constantly increasing, for he attracts others to the Faith by the fervor of his discourses and of his example.

" The enemy of the Gospel, who cannot bear to witness its progress, has not failed to assail it with calumnies, in order to arrest its course. Our Faith is accused of killing all who profess it. The death of some Christians of Onnontagé‚ gave rise to this delusion on the part of the Barbarians, and a speech delivered at a meeting by a Captain who is hostile to our Religion served to mislead them still more. Hence, not only did some natives of the country — who considered it [163] safer to believe that man in authority among them, than to place any faith in the quite contrary experience of our old Hurons — not only did they beg me to excuse them from attending the prayers until their dread of me should decrease; but they also accused the Faith of the French of being responsible for all the ills with which the whole people or individual persons seemed to be .afflicted. That is what an Apostate tried to make those Barbarians believe, naming the Dutch as his authority for what he said. He asserted that the children of the Iroquois died two years after their

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Baptism, and that the Christians either fractured their legs, or wounded their feet with thorns, or became consumptive, or vomited their souls with their blood, or were assailed by some other great misfortune.

" If our reputation be attacked here, our life is in no greater security. A warrior of my acquaintance, coming to lodge in our cabin, gave us no little trouble. [164] On three successive nights he became possessed in some way, and fell into a frenzy; he manifested an inclination to take my life, and would without doubt have done me an injury, had he not. been prevented by my host.

" I was threatened with a still nobler death than this. A young man, after hearing me instruct a Catechumen who was very ill, and whom I wished to prepare for death, told me that I was a Sorcerer who should be got rid of; that I gave life or death to whomsoever I wished; and that it was as easy for me to cure that man as it was to lead him to heaven. Was not that reproach an agreeable one 1

" All these obstacles that the Devil raises up against us do not, however, prevent the Faith from daily acquiring more credit among these peoples. I am listened to attentively everywhere, our Chapel is filled with Catechumens, and, finally, I daily baptize both children and adults. "

That is what was written to us by the Father who then had charge of that Mission for [ r 6 5 ] two months. He was compelled to leave it, to return and unite his labors to those of the two other Fathers at Onnontaghé, where they are establishing the foundation and the Seminary of all the other Iroquois Missions.

But, since that time, the Father has gone back

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there, accompanied by five or six Frenchmen and by the most notable man of the Village, who had come and begged him to return among them. He was received with the warmest welcome imaginable. He found the Chapel in the same condition as he had left it; and on the very day of his arrival he began to hold prayers in it. The new Christians and Catechumens soon manifested so much zeal, that, as the Father writes us, that Church is not less vigorous in its birth than that of Onnontaghé.

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