The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents Volume 9

[51] CHAPTER III.

CONTINUATION OF THE SAME SUBJECT.

S the Savages like the three Rivers better than [52] Kébec, they stop there oftener, and in greater numbers. This is why the Fathers who have been living this year in our Residence of the Conception have baptized more people than did those who remained at Kébec, where these Barbarians do not stay so long. We have not failed, however, to gather some fruit among them, as we have induced them to give us some of their children, of whom I shall speak hereafter, and as some of them have received holy Baptism. I do not separate them from the others who received this Sacrament at the Conception, speaking of all according to the time when they entered the Church.

On the ninth of February, a Savage named Attikamegou, and surnamed " the Prince" by our Frenchmen, having camped quite near nostre Dame des Anges, sent posthaste for one of our Fathers to baptize a little boy of his, who was dying. The Father took a little water with him, fearing he might not find any in their bark house, as the cold had frozen the brooks and rivers. He hurried as fast as he could, (53] and finally, all out of breath, arrived at the place where lay the child, who was on the verge of death. His father begged that he should be made a Christian before his death; his mother opposed this, saying quite harshly that she did not [page 7] wish him to be baptized, and that all those who were baptized would die. She was told that all the French were baptized, and named some of her own tribe who also had been, and who nevertheless enjoyed perfect health; that, if some Savages died after baptism, it did not result from the Sacrament, but from the disease, which would not fail to kill them even if they were not baptized, as she could see in the cases of some who died without receiving this Sacrament. Her husband chided her: " Is it baptism, " said he, " that makes thy son die now? And yet he lies there dying. I wish him to be a Christian. " The mother continued to object, while the child was approaching nearer to death, being hardly able to breathe. The Father, on his part, urged the mother, assuring her that baptism not only did not make one die, but on the contrary sometimes restored the life of the body [54] and the life of the soul together; and that, if she would believe God could perform this wonder, her son might recover. Instantly, upon hearing this suggestion, the woman begins to open her ears: " If thou canst cure him, " she replies, " baptize him; if not, do not touch him." " As for me," says the father of the child, " I believe that he who has made all can cure him." " If thy wife had the same belief," said some one, " thou wouldst soon see thy son alive. " He began to urge her: " Thou hast no sense; thou fearest that baptism will make him die, and thou seest he is dying without baptism; he who has made all, and can do all, is strong enough to restore him to life; and, even if he does not restore him, he will at least have pity on his soul." " Let them baptize him then," said the mother. " Take courage," replied her husband, [page 9] "and consider well if thou believest; for, if thou liest in thy heart, God will not cure thy child. " " I believe," said she, "let them baptize him." The Father found himself in a rather difficult position; for he understood perfectly that this woman gave consent to the baptism of her child only in the hope of his recovery; and that, consequently, if the child died, which all were expecting, [55] she would be certain to greatly decry this Sacrament. Nevertheless, as he could not see him die before his eyes, he resolved to baptize him,—asking the parents, in case he recovered, to give him to us when he grew larger, to instruct him. At this request the mother again became obstinate. " I see plainly that he wishes to have my son; he shall not have him." Her husband, turning toward the Father, said, " Dost thou ask my son for all time, or simply to instruct him? " " I only want him to instruct him, and not that until he is six or seven years old." " Baptize him, thou canst have him; " and, urging his wife, he assured her that they would restore her her child when he should be well instructed, in case God granted him health. The Savages who were there were surprised that there should be any discussion about a child who was in the throes of death. " There he lies dying, and you are debating as to who shall have him." " In fact," said his father, " he is dead if baptism does not restore him. " They were again assured that, if they believed that God was powerful enough and good enough to restore life to their child, he would do it. At last the mother herself presents him for baptism, as an evidence of [56] her faith and of her hope. The child is baptized on the instant, without ceremony and without giving him a [page 11] name, because the malady did not permit more. Strange to say, the Father who baptized him had no sooner finished pronouncing the holy words, pouring a little water upon this poor infant's head, which his mother uncovered, than he opened his eyes, began to breathe, to stretch, and to move about in his little portable cradle. His mother, completely beside herself, offered him the breast, which he could not take before; he took it now without difficulty, and before the Father departed from the Cabin he had entirely recovered. Some Savages hastening in, the father of the child told them what had occurred, and they were struck dumb with amazement. Now this little Christian is fine-looking and plump, the joy of his parents and the admiration of those who saw him in his sickness.

This result of the Sacrament has aided greatly in uprooting from the minds of these Barbarians the belief that death was in these health-giving waters, and that it was only necessary to be baptized to soon die. The Prince,—this is the surname of the child's father,—going afterwards [57] to the three Rivers, related this everywhere; so that the Father who had baptized him, upon entering one day a Cabin in which this man had been, was asked by those who lived there if he had any more of that water which had cured the son of Attikamegou, and if he would give some of it to a sick man who was there. Alas! he had enough of it, but the poor sick one could not drink it,—that is, the Father only seeing him in passing, had not leisure to instruct him, and on his return found him dead. But, to finish this subject,—the Prince, seeing his son recovered, said to his wife, " Take care of this child, and see that thou dost not prevent him [page 13] from being instructed some day; for the death which was to have killed him would fall upon thy head." The Father asked him if he would not like to have them administer to him the holy Rites in the Chapel at Kébec. " Do to him," said he, " all thou doest to the French children." The Father appointed a day for him to bring the boy, and advised him to choose a man and a woman from among the French to act as Godfather and Godmother to his child, explaining to him what these words meant. The man doubted if the French [58] would consent to do him this favor; but, having assured him that they would be very glad to do it, he invited sieur Olivier, Clerk and Interpreter, and Madame Hebout,[1] who willingly performed this act of charity. One Sunday morning these two poor Barbarians themselves brought their child to the Church of Kébec. The Father who had baptized him explained to our French, who had assembled to hear high Mass, how it had all happened; that the consecrated waters of Baptism had restored life to this little child, and that they had come themselves to present him to receive the holy Ceremonies that he had not been able to administer to him; that, furthermore, they promised some day to give him to be instructed; and, being asked again in the presence of all, they confirmed the promise they had made. At this point the bell is rung; one of our French women takes the little one and presents him; his Godfather and Godmother give him the name of François Olivier; they apply to him the consecrated Oils and administer the other holy Rites, to the great satisfaction of all our French, the happiness of the [59] father and mother being so great that joy beamed upon their faces. [page 15]

They had swaddled this little Christian in the French fashion; its mother, holding it, said to her husband: " I do not know what ails our little François Olivier; when he is dressed in the French way he laughs all the time, when he is dressed in our way he cries and grieves; when I hold him he is quite sad and mournful, and when a French woman holds him he acts as if he wants to jump all the time." She wished by these words to show her satisfaction at seeing her son become French, as it were. His father had still better ideas, for one day I heard him say to his wife that the Sorcerers had no longer any power over his son, and that through Baptism he had been placed under the protection of him who made all. He held this conversation apropos of two Sorcerers who had been fighting together, each reproaching the other that he had killed the other's parents by his arts. The Savages greatly fear these jugglers, and one of our Frenchmen has assured me that they usually kill those against whom they [60] aim their charms, and that nevertheless they have never been able to do anything to Christians. Now whether they have really some secret communication with the Devil, which I greatly doubt, or whether they have not,—having taken issue with one of these two Sorcerers, I defied him to kill me with his magic, assuring him that, as I was baptized and believed in God, I was beyond his reach. The father of little François Olivier was present when I said this: " Well then," said he, " my son being baptized, cannot he be put to death by these people?" " No," I answered him, " do not fear them. And even if they could, give them my word that I will forgive them for my death if they kill me by their sorceries; but [page 17] also, in case their enchantments are too weak to injure me, tell them that I pray them to throw themselves with me under the safeguard of him who holds all demons in check." The poor man had remembered this lesson well, and hence he was rejoicing with his wife because his son was out of the clutches of these human wolves. Another time he came to me trembling with fear lest some misfortune should happen to him, because, his wife having carried the child to [61] a banquet, where she was going in his place, a juggler took it from her and sang to it; then said aloud, to discredit us, that we were deceivers,—that Baptism had not cured this child, since there was no sign that it had been sick. I reassured him, and ridiculed this mountebank. Furthermore, the poor man has often shown me that he desired Baptism; I have given him some instruction, and to make him stationary I placed him in the company of some Frenchmen to cultivate the land, but he did not stick to it. Now as, a short time ago, he was in company with from thirty to forty Savages, who were going to war, I sounded him in the presence of his compatriots,—reproaching him with being afraid of them, and that out of regard for others he would not believe in God, although he had often assured me that he ought to believe in him. He answered me before all of them that he had had this desire, and that he had it still; that he would not be afraid to profess his belief before everybody. " But thou thyself," he replied, " thou hast deserted me on account of the difficulty I had with one of thy Frenchmen. " I was very glad to hear this response, for there is [62] nothing which so deters the Savages from professing the faith as the fear of being mocked [page 19] by their fellows. When we arrived at the three Rivers, while giving a feast to these warriors, I attacked him again; and he proved to me before all that he was neither a liar nor a child, and that he would be constant in our faith if he should embrace it. For this reason I spoke to him in private, and told him that, on his return from the war to which he was going, I would instruct him, if he wished to be instructed. "I would like it," he replied. "Go then, " I said to him, " into the Chapel and pray him who has made all to preserve thee, that thou mayest be baptized." He did so, and at his departure he begged me to look after his little François Olivier if he died in war, and to assist his wife; if he returns, I hope God will be merciful to him. I commend him to the prayers of those who shall read this; for if once God should effectually move some one of them who might be able properly to instruct the others, he would be a powerful help in attracting them to the knowledge of the truth.

On the seventeenth of March, a young Frenchman wintering with the Savages [63] baptized a little child which was going to die. God is admirable in his choice of some and his rejection of others. This young Frenchman, seeing that some Savages were coming to visit the three Rivers, wrote on a piece of bark to his brother that there were some sick people in the Cabin where he was, and that he should inform the Fathers of it, especially of a little boy who was going to die. The Fathers judged that it would be enough to carefully instruct this young man, or rather to rewrite for him, exactly, all that he had already been taught for the baptism of little children; this they did. The Son of God, who says that we [page 21] must suffer the little ones to come unto him, received this one. For, as this young Frenchman was reading the letters our Fathers had sent him, the father of the little sick boy asked him what they had written him. " The Fathers," he replied, " write me that they love thy son, that they are very sorry he is sick; and they instruct me how he should be baptized, in case he is in danger of dying; they also write me that, if the older persons are very sick, they will come here." The Savage replied, " I am very glad to have my son baptized. [64] Here is water; baptize him, for he is going to die. As soon as he is dead, I will send them his body, in order that they may honor it with a French burial. " The child was baptized, and the father kept his word, sending him to us after his death by some Savages, with his belongings. Whereupon our Fathers would have been at a loss to know whether he had been baptized, and whether they could put him in consecrated ground, if one of the Savages had not assured them of it, explaining what he had seen the young Frenchman do.

On the first day of April, Father Buteux baptized a little girl, whom he went to find about ten good leagues higher up than our French settlement. This was the occasion of it: Some Algonquins who had come to the Store to get Tobacco, came to see our Fathers before returning, and informed them that they had some persons in their Cabins who were very sick. At this Father Buteux, taking a young man who lives in our Residence, gave these Barbarians their breakfast, and then placed himself in their company. He had not gone far from the house before he met, as they [65] say, with his match. The roads here are much less used than in France, and very [page 23] much worse; sometimes they had to wear their snowshoes, sometimes take them off; they walked upon the great frozen River, which deprived them indeed of the sight of its waters, but not of the apprehension of the danger of being lost therein; for the Sun had begun to melt the ice, which in some places was no more than a finger-breadth in thickness. In other places, the snow beginning to melt in the middle of the day, they sank into it with their snowshoes; and these, becoming loaded with pieces of ice, made them suffer a species of torture in their legs. Yet they had to drag this plow from six o'clock in the morning until six at night, without unharnessing, except perhaps for a little quarter of an hour when they stopped to drink some water in a hostelry of ice. In truth, if God did not give other refreshments than these to people who are not accustomed to such journeys, the flesh would succumb. But it is wonderful how these days of hardship are days of peace, and how the body seems to forget its weakness when the spirit [66] tastes the strength of God. " I had no inclination," said the Father, " to repent having undertaken this journey, since I found content in this labor, and security in fear." At last, having arrived at the Cabins, he finds that his Savages had deceived him, for they had described as dying those who were hardly sick; he shows them, nevertheless, that he is very glad to see them out of danger, that he has come to instruct them, and that he would have better means of doing so if they would return towards the French settlement. Most of them were astonished at the trouble he had taken, and, rejoicing to see him, they made him a feast of Moose tongues and muzzles, which they had in abundance. The depth and hardness [page 25] of the snow this year has been the cause of death to a great many Elk, and has given life to many Savages. God did not will that the Father should return with empty hands; he had gone for grown persons, and he gave him the salvation of a little girl. For, as he was visiting the huts of these poor Barbarians, he perceived this child very low; he remembered that he had already [671 wished to baptize her before she had been taken into the woods, but, as the opportunity had slipped by, he had misgivings about it in his soul, asking her from our Lord for this purpose every day at the Altar. Now, seeing it hand the opportunity which he had not expected, he asked her grandmother's permission to baptize her. This good old woman answered, " You are good, you people, you take pity on the sick; thou hast indeed taken the trouble to come and visit us. Do all that thou deemest proper; I give her to thee." The young man who accompanied the Father gave her the name Marie, and the Father baptized her. After this act a Savage, knowing the Father intended to return, presented himself to conduct him; the Father was surprised at this courtesy, and the Barbarian told him that he and his son-in-law had been delegated by the other Savages to thank him, adding that he wished also to take with him the body of one of his sons who had been dead for two weeks, to be buried in the French Cemetery. The Father having thanked him, gave him to understand that this child, not having been baptized, could not be placed among the French. These simple [68] people insisted, however, and started on their way some distance ahead of the Father. All they gained by doing this was to come back again, after receiving very good treatment. [page 27]

On the seventeenth of the same month of April, a young girl received holy Baptism, which she had ardently desired. Our Lord, having chastised very severely all those with whom I passed the winter, for not having tried to fulfill the promise they had made him to acknowledge him, consoled me in the conversion of two children of these Barbarians. One is the son of the dead Sorcerer, who was called Carigoúan;[2] of this child I shall speak at the proper time. The other is the girl who occasionally did me some little service when I was sick in the Cabin of one of her relations, getting me a little water or melting the snow for me to drink. This poor child, being left without father or mother, afflicted by a very grievous malady, was forsaken and looked upon with horror by the people of her own tribe. God willed that our Fathers, who were at the three Rivers, where she was, should repay her a hundredfold for the charity she had exercised [69] toward me, for they took care of her body and of her soul. They made her a Cabin at the Fort, and every day the Fathers gave her food, had her cared for, and instructed her. As she had a good mind (the Fathers wrote me), she understood readily and enjoyed the doctrine of the Son of God, showing an especial affection for the holy Virgin, whose name she wished to take at baptism. After a little while she seemed to improve, so much so that they talked of sending her back to the Savages. This poor girl dreaded this return worse than death. God, who wished to have her for himself, sent upon her a fever which reduced her so low that she saw clearly her life was at stake. Hence they administered baptism to her, which greatly comforted her; for when some one said to [page 29] her that she was going to die, " I know it well," she answered, " but I console myself that I shall go to Heaven." " Oh, how happy you will be," some one remarked to her, " to see him who has made all in his grandeur! " " Shall I not also see," said she, " the good MARY, mother of God? " and when she had been assured that she would see her, " I will tell her," she replied, " what I have always said to her with a sincere heart,—[70] Ou kaouia Jesus Khisadkihitin, I love you, O Mother of Jesus. " This good soul, washed in the blood of the Lamb, now prays for her Nation and for all those who succor it in any way whatsoever.

On the twenty-fourth of the same month, an Algonquain, wishing to die a Christian, was baptized and named Jacques. After his death, [which occurred] in the absence of our Fathers, the Captain of the Nation was won over by means of a dinner to reveal the place of his burial and to permit his remains to be disinterred; while this was being done, it had to be discontinued, on account of the complaints of some women, who cried loudly that their dead were being stolen. One must at times humor their weakness.

On the thirtieth of the same month, the same Fathers baptized two little children, a boy and a girl. When they asked the little boy's father if he did not approve of their doing to his child what they did to the children of the French, he answered very sagely, " I have found you so good and so charitable, that I do not believe you wish to do any harm to the child, having done good to the (711 father. In the beginning of this Moon, having brought to you the dead body of my oldest son, to bury him in your [page 31] way, you answered me that you could not do it because he was not a Christian; I do not wish the same thing to happen to this poor little one. Moreover, as the weather was bad and I could not return to my Cabin without danger of being lost in the ice which was breaking up, you kept me and my son-in. law for some days in your house and fed us, although we wished to return lest we be a burden to you. I do not believe that men who do so much good would do any harm to our children. Look, here is my son; do what you please with him." We did do him a service which he will enjoy through the lapse of all the centuries, and beyond them; for we conferred holy Baptism upon him, and the name Jacques, given by his Godfather, sieur Hertel.[3]

As to the little girl, her mother was very glad to offer her to God. Sieur Godefroy[4] named her Magdelaine. She was the daughter of one called Eroacki, who played the Captain among the Savages. This [72] poor wretch will groan in hell as long as his daughter will rejoice in Heaven. O how different are these two states! Forever damned, and forever saved! Forever a companion of Angels, and forever an associate of devils! We will speak of his death in the proper place.

On the third of May there was baptized a little Algonquain Savage, about nine years of age; he was called Jean. The Fathers who placed these memoirs in my hands did not write me the circumstances of this baptism; it is a great deal that his name is written in the book of life.

On the twenty-first of the same month Monsieur Gand[5], being on a journey to the three Rivers, gave the name Joseph to a young lad, about fifteen years [page 33] old. The Fathers had him come to their room every morning to give him nourishment for the body and for the soul, sending him back towards evening to his Cabin near the Fort. But, when this poor child could no longer walk, Father Quentin himself went after him and brought him in his arms, to the great edification of our French, who lauded [73] this act of charity. Father Buteux asked him, after his baptism, if he were well-pleased to be a Christian, and if he did not fear death. He answered that he was very glad that he was no longer a Savage, and that he did not wish to be called hereafter Miskouaskoutan, which was his old name, but that he should be called Joseph. " As to death, I fear it no more than that," showing the little end of his finger; " why should I fear it? since in dying I shall go to Heaven." Father Quentin, on going after him one morning, found him in the death throes. An old Savage woman said to him, " Take him away, since he is dead." He waited until he expired, then, taking him in his arms, he brought him to our house where, having laid him out, he was buried like the others. [page 35]

CHAPTER IV.

BAPTISMS OF SAVAGES, CONTINUED.

F anyone finds these stories a little tedious, I beg him to remember that to win some poor Savage to God, [74] and to the Church, is our sole business in this new world, and all the manna that we gather in these deserts; that we hunt for no other game in these vast forests, and fish for nothing else in these broad Rivers.

On the twenty-third of May, the mother of that so beloved girl, of whom I have spoken in Chapter second, followed her child to baptism, to death, to burial, and, as we believe, to Paradise. She was the wife of one named Mataouau, surnamed by the French, "big Olivier," who I have said had some standing among his people. He is great in three ways, great in body, a great talker, and a great juggler. He showed himself as well disposed to the baptism of his wife, as he had been opposed to allowing the baptism of his daughter. And as he had brought into play all the resources of his art to give the life of the body to the child, so he did not spare anything to give that of the soul to the mother. This woman, who had obtained her husband's permission to have her daughter made a Christian, did not wish to be one herself, and so abhorred the Fathers that she would make them no answer. Having [751 gone on some business to the three Rivers, I made her a visit; she recognized that I was not the [page 37] one who had instructed her daughter, and answered me. I mildly represented to her the danger into which she was throwing herself of being forever separated from her child, whom she loved so passionately that, in my opinion, she was sick from grief and sadness. " Thy daughter," I said to her, " is very happy, and thou wilt be forever unhappy; she is in Heaven, and thou wilt be at the bottom of the abyss. Thou sayest that thou lovest her, yet thou dost not wish to go with her; thou canst not follow her, if thou dost not believe and if thou art not baptized. " She began to weep. I added that if I were going to remain at the three Rivers I would see her often; but, as I had to go down to Kébec, I begged her to listen to my brother. She indeed did this, but not immediately. After my departure, the Fathers having visited her several times, gave her up for a while as a bad-tempered woman. Her husband took offense at this, and complained to the Interpreter, saying that it was wrong to let his wife die without baptism; that it was true that up to that time she had been out of her mind, but she had [76] returned to her senses, and the Fathers should try her again. Never was a complaint more agreeable to them. They visited this poor sick woman and instructed her during several days,—her husband always being present and saying a great deal of good to her about the Fathers, to make our belief more acceptable to her. "Thou knowest," he said to her, "that these people are great Captains, that all the French love them; that they are always doing good to our sick, that all winter, when we are hungry, they give food to those who have none; why then wilt thou not believe them?" "Yes, I will," she [page 39] answered, " they speak the truth." Whereupon Father Buteux asked her whether, if she was restored to health, she would promise to be faithful to the belief she wished to embrace. " Whether I live or whether I die, I will always believe in God," she answered. Being sufficiently instructed, her husband one day sent for the Fathers and all the relatives of the sick woman, as she was dying. Father Buteux, approaching her, wished to question her; but they .told him she had lost her speech since midnight, and that he should hasten to baptize her, [77] since she was dying. The Father looked at her, and told her to open her eyes as a sign of her belief, and as a proof that she desired holy Baptism. She immediately opened her eyes, looked at the Father, and said to him, " I believe in God, and I believe also what thou hast told me." This was more than could have been hoped for from a woman in the grasp of death. She was then baptized, and her sponsor gave her the name Michelle. As soon as she had been cleansed in this sacred bath, she spoke more freely, and, calling her husband, she begged him to send out many of the people who had come into the Cabin. " Shall I make the Fathers go out also?" he asked her.

No," she replied, " but all the others." After the Father had consoled her, he praised her husband for having loved his wife with a true love. " If I had not loved her," he answered, " I would not have urged her to believe in him who has made all; but I rejoice that she will see in Heaven him who is all good, being baptized in his name. " It is strange that these Barbarians find our truths very adorable,—I mean that many of them approve our belief,—and yet do not wish to receive it until they are dying; [page 41] they are afraid of being [78] mocked by their countrymen,—acting as a great many Christians do who think in the depths of their souls that it is a very great benefit to attend the Sacraments; but, as they are afraid of being considered devotees and of receiving little bites from scoffers or impious people, the fear of a little annoyance makes them lose the fruit of a very great good.

On the thirtieth of the same month, God performed a kind of miracle in the baptism of an Algonquin girl. The Fathers, having found her speechless and out of her senses, despaired of being able to instruct her. They addressed themselves to St. François Xavier, promising him to give his name to this poor creature if it pleased him to obtain for her the necessary strength to receive Baptism. Strange to say, this dying girl, whom her parents had already painted black, as if she were dead, returned to her senses. The Algonquin interpreter was called, she was instructed, she believed, she desired Baptism; it was given to her, and, in accordance with the promise made to this great Saint, the interpreter called her Françoise. As soon as she was freed from the burden of her sins, she went to sleep [79] on earth, to awake in Heaven. O what blessings! O what acts of grace! To see one's self at the same moment in the belief, in the desire, and in the enjoyment of a good that the eye has not seen, nor the mind conceived.

On the fifth day of June, a good Savage woman brought her little sick son to our Chapel at the three Rivers to receive holy Baptism; Monsieur Rousseau[6] named him Denys. This good mother had already given two children to God; these three souls will forever adore the three adorable persons, and, as we [page 43] hope, will secure the salvation of so good a mother.

On the sixth of June, Father de Quen baptized a stout young Savage, to whom Monsieur Gand gave the name Joseph; he was called in his language Echkanich, meaning "a little horn." This poor young man having fallen sick at the three Rivers, during the winter, and wishing to be with his relations who were ranging the woods near Kébec, another Savage, a relative, fastened him to his sledge, and dragged him for thirty leagues over the snow and ice. I leave you to imagine what restoratives [80] he gave to this poor invalid and in what hostelries he passed the nights. None but bodies of bronze can endure the hardships of the Savages. This poor wretch was brought, still alive, as far as Kébec. One of our Fathers went to see him, as greatly astonished at the enterprise of the one who was well as at the determination of the sick man. He gave them both something to eat; and, while they were attending to their bodies, the Father was thinking of the salvation of their souls. As he instructed them, he saw that the poor invalid took pleasure in hearing about the other life, knowing well that the present most miserable one was slipping from him. As to the well man, seeing himself deceived in the hope of meeting the sick man's relations at Kébec, he left him there in a wretched hut, and went to look for them in the woods. Meanwhile, the Father took care of this Savage, and above all asked our Lord in the holy sacrifice of the Mass which he offered for his salvation, that his Majesty would grant Baptism to this poor soul which seemed to enjoy his word. At the Altar, he was very confident that his prayer had been heard; but, on [81] going out, he thought almost the contrary. [page 45] For lo, there arrived the nearest relatives of this carcass, which had no longer aught but bones; and they, having fastened this dying bundle upon the sledges, took it with them into the depths of the forests. Those who saw him depart would not give him five days of life. However, he lived through the winter, his poor mother and relations dragging him through all the stations made by the Savages,—now over Mountains, now through Valleys, now upon frozen Rivers or Lakes, oftenest upon the snow and always in the woods. Spring came, and they brought him back to Kébec. The Father who had asked him of God was greatly astonished when he saw him, and approached him, to give him some instruction. This poor young man had only the sense necessary for the faith, namely, the ears; for he had lost his sight, and all his other senses were greatly dulled,—he was more like a skeleton than a man. He listened willingly to what was told him, his mother herself impressing it upon him and making him softly answer. In a word, he believed and gave proof of his belief, invoking sometimes one, sometimes another [82] Of the three persons of the holy Trinity, especially the holy Ghost, which he finally received through Baptism, which Father de Quen conferred upon him. He remained only five or six days upon earth after this favor; his Country was Paradise, to which he withdrew, leaving his body to his poor mother, who enveloped it in many robes, and, without giving us notice, went and placed it upon a high scaffold, to bury it afterwards according to their ancient custom. The Father who had instructed him, hearing that they had elevated this body, went to the Cabins of the Savages, and asked his mother and relatives [page 47] where they had put it. They uttered not a word. He went to see the Captain of this Nation, and begged him to restore to him the remains, saying that this young man was baptized, and that Monsieur the Governor would be angry if they did not place him in the Cemetery of the French. " Wait," said he to the Father, " I will make them give thee what thou desirest." He went straightway to see the relatives of the dead man, made them a fine speech, declaring the affection we bore to their Nation, the help we gave to their sick, and the honors we showed to their dead. At once [83] the mother yielded to our desire, and this Captain urged the young men to go and get the body and place it in our hands. As the Father was urging them, one of them replied, " Do not be in such haste; perhaps his soul has not yet left his body, it may be still at the top of his head." And yet he had been dead for two days. The Father, having received this trust, had the necessary arrangements made for the funeral, and notified Monsieur de Montmagny, our Governor, of all that had passed. This man of piety and courage, who had, three days before, upon his arrival in the Country, aided in giving a poor Savage admittance to the Church and to grace, as I have just related, left the outlines of the fortifications which he was marking out, and which he is now having built, to honor these funeral ceremonies with his presence. He himself bears a torch or a candle in his hand. Monsieur the Chevalier de l'Isle, his Lieutenant, does the same; Monsieur de Repentigny, Monsieur de sainct Jean, all gallant Gentlemen, a number of soldiers, and other persons, render the last rites to this [84] new Christian. Father Garnier and Father Chastelain [page 49] bore his body, which was followed by the Savages with much humility and in. Silence.[7] When they were lowering it into the grave, his relatives threw in, besides the robes with Which he was covered, a Blanket, a Cloak, a bag containing his little belongings, and a roll of bark. The Father insisted that these things were of no use to a soul which was in Heaven; but they replied that this was their custom, and that they would not take, at his death, anything that belonged to him. I leave you to imagine how astonished were our Frenchmen and women, who had just arrived and who were present at this burial, at this way of doing things. They looked with compassion on the living, and with a pious envy upon the dead, considering the former miserable and the latter blest.

The eleventh of the same month, day of saint Barnabas, was to us a day of rejoicing in every way, as I have testified at the beginning of this Relation. Monsieur our Governor, upon landing, consented to be Godfather to a Savage who had asked for baptism, and gave him the name Joseph. Father Chastellain, [85] as I have already said, upon disembarking began his apprenticeship in New France by this baptism. Having mentioned this act, I will only tell what I have omitted concerning this Neophyte, who was one of the best prepared for Heaven that I have ever seen. The Father, who instructed him, seeing he had a good disposition, and knowing that the faith was taking root in this soul, had a great desire to He employs our French Surgeons, takes care of himself, visits him, carries him refreshing food. But, as the malady was stronger than the remedies, this poor man said to him, "Nikanis, [page 51] my good friend, let us think of the soul; baptize me; as to the body, I see clearly that it must die." The Father deferred doing so in order to make him desire more ardently so great a blessing. Now it happened that, when he visited him one day, he found a juggler blowing upon him, crying, howling, striking his drum and making a thousand grimaces, according to their custom. He reproached both of them very severely, the sick man for having had recourse to any one else but God, the Charlatan for having intruded with his drumming upon a person who already believed in Jesus Christ. The latter [86] looked at the Father, without saying a word, and withdrew. The poor patient, addressing him, said, "Nikanis, why art thou angry? this man came to treat me according to the custom of our Nation; if there is any harm in it, it must be stopped, for we do not do these things with bad intentions." Those who were present added, speaking to the Father, " Thou hast no sense; thou dost what thou canst to cure this sick man, thou canst not succeed; the other wishes to aid thee, and thou art angry thereat. Two persons are not too many to cure so bad a disease. Do thy part, and let him do his; thus the matter must be arranged. " They acted exactly like the Philistines who wished to join together the Ark and Dagon. Jesus does not agree well with Belial. It is true, however, that these absurdities are more innocent than I thought in the beginning. The most simple believe that they are restored through these songs, without knowing how; others take them, so to speak, as one would take medicine; some think that these noises drive away the Manitou; and the Charlatans engage in these [page 53] apish tricks for their own [87] profit. Our patient allowed himself to be blown upon, to follow the custom of his Ancestors. He firmly promised me never again to have recourse to these remedies. But, do what they will, their relations procure these for them, against their own wish. Now, as they continued to explain to him the Christian truths, he urged the Father to make him a Christian and to take care of his soul. " Thou seest, " he said, " that I believe, and that, to obey thee, I will not have our Medicine Men come near me; I can now scarcely move; if I die without Baptism thou sayest that I will go into the fires that are never extinguished. Why dost thou delay so long? " The ships having meanwhile arrived, he was granted the accomplishment of his desire. After being baptized, he called the Father and said to him, "Nikanis, my soul is full of comfort; it has, nevertheless, one more desire,—that is, to see my relatives for the last time; they are up there at the three Rivers; dost thou see fit that I should go there? If thou dost not approve this, I will die here near thee; but thou hast some brothers up yonder; write them to take care of my soul, as thou hast done." The Father answered him that he would die on the way. " No," said he, " I shall not die; [88] 1 feel in my heart that I shall reach three Rivers, and make a short stay there, and then I shall die;" all this was true. The Father gave him some letters, and they placed him in a Canoe, his wife and children taking him away. When they arrived, he sent for Father Buteux, had him sit down near him, and handed him the letters that had been given him. The Father, learning through these letters that he was a Christian and godson of Monsieur the Governor [page 55], embraced him warmly, and promised him all assistance. His relations who had come to see him, wondered at these caresses and evidences of charity, which are not seen among them. Then, addressing the Father, he said, " Thy older brother has helped me at Kébec. " " We will do the same here," answered the Father, " but dost thou keep in mind what my brother has taught thee? " " Yes, indeed," said he; and, dropping a bark dish that he held in his hand, he began to indicate with his fingers the three persons of the holy Trinity, and to recite the first lessons of the Christian; if he forgot anything, his wife reminded him of it. " Truly, I could scarcely restrain my [89] tears, " writes the Father, "when I saw a man of forty years reared in the depths of Barbarism, speaking the language of the children of God, and reciting his Faith and his Catechism with the meekness of a child and the devotion of a mature person." He finally died on the thirtieth of June, after having passed a few days at three Rivers, as he had predicted; and his body was given to us for burial, not without making entreaty for it in an assembly which these Barbarians had purposely called together.

On the sixteenth of the same month two little Savages were changed into two little Angels. Sieur Jean Paul came to advise the Fathers of the dangerous illness of one of them. The Fathers went to the Cabins, made him a Christian, and, the name Jean Paul was given him by the one who had given notice of his sickness, and who wished to be his Godfather. He was only one year old; his father promised that he would make him a Frenchman, if he recovered. At the same time that they came to baptize this one, [page 57] Robert Hache,[8] a young man who lived with our Fathers at the three Rivers, [90] came to us exclaiming that we should hasten to baptize a child but eight days old, who was at the last gasp. Father Buteux ran thither, and upon the remonstrance made to the mother by the wife of Capitanal,[9] he obtained permission to baptize it, to name it Ignace, and to bury it shortly afterwards.

On the twenty-sixth of the same month, Monsieur the Chevalier de l'Isle became Godfather to a little Savage girl that one of our Fathers baptized at Kébec; he named her Marie, seeing her die almost immediately.

On the seventh of July, a Savage woman came to offer to our Fathers at the three Rivers, a little girl that she had, to be baptized, with the promise to have her instructed in the faith when she was large enough. Father Garnier, who was there waiting for the Hurons, to embark with them, baptized her solemnly in our Chapel. Sieur de la Treille[10] named her Marie.

On the eighth of the same month, a Savage of about forty years, wishing to pass the rest of his days under the law of God, was baptized by Father Charles [91] du Marché;[11] he was named Joseph by his Godfather, Monsieur de Repentigny. A long time ago, he had been cured of a disease, as he said, through the prayers one of the Fathers had offered for him, or rather had taught him. For the Father who had instructed him in the faith, upon visiting one of the Cabins of the Savages, was asked by a sick woman, " Teach me the words thou hast taught to Naaktuch," this was the man's name, " for he says they have helped him, and that, when his life has been in danger [page 59], he has been delivered by pronouncing these words." When the Savages, before his Baptism, happened to speak of our Religion, this poor man seemed to be cast down, seeing that some of them found fault with, and made sport of it. For some time the Father suspected him greatly of being deceitful, but at last he was convinced that he had a good heart. Sometimes he entered the Chapel all alone, and offered his prayer. One day he asked of his own accord for a picture, to remind himself of him who had died for us. The Father, seeing him show publicly before all those of his [92] Cabin that he wished to be a Christian, instructed him fully, and then granted him holy Baptism. His wife, seeing they were getting ready to baptize him, began to weep, saying that if they baptized him he would die immediately. When he heard her, he exclaimed, " Thou dost not know what thou art saying; keep still; I will not die from it, and, even if I should die, I wish to be baptized, to purify and wash my soul." Monsieur and Mademoiselle de Repentigny, and some other persons who were present, were greatly touched when the Father explained to them what he had said; but their sense of devotion was increased when they saw the pious manner in which he received Baptism. Having received it, he took the hand of the Father who had taught him, and of the one who had baptized him, as also that of Monsieur de Repentigny, and kissed them with great tenderness, thanking them for the good they had procured him. After the Baptism of this poor man, I was obliged to go away to meet the Hurons, in order to secure the embarkation of our Fathers who were appointed to go there. Being at the three Rivers, I [page 61] received a Letter from Father de Quen, who spoke in these terms [93] of this Neophyte, whom I had recommended to him. Joseph, formerly called Nahakhich, thought he was going to die to-day. He sent for me as I was about to say Vespers; I went to him promptly with sieur Hebert,[12] who assisted me greatly. He perseveres in his good intentions to believe; we have had him perform some acts of contrition, which he does willingly; he said that he did not wish to be burned with the wicked, that he always wished to believe what Father le Jeune told him; in saying this he wept. He has a great desire to see you, I say very great; I fear, however, that he will never see you again, except in the other world. As for me, your return would give me great comfort and relief; for as long as he is sick I shall have to go to see him frequently during the day; and what grieves me is, that I cannot speak. These are the very words of the Father, who, as well as the others, is very busy, and has many distractions; and this is why he has not advanced in the knowledge of the language as he would desire. In truth, it is a very sad thing to see a poor dying man ask for the bread of the Gospel, and only be able to give it to him in little crumbs, which are not [94] sufficient to satisfy him. Father du Marché, who delivered to me Father de Quen's Letters, added that this poor Savage wept pathetically; and that, according to the report of the interpreter, he exhorted one of his countrymen, with tears in his eyes, to believe in God and to embrace his holy faith. Finally he died, on the last day of July. The Savages had already placed his body in a Canoe to take it to the Falls of Montmorency, when Father Massé, coming upon the scene, stopped them and made them give it back to be buried with the Christians. Father de [page 63] Quen wrote me about his death. Joseph, said he, so much and so often commended, quitted this life on the day of our blessed Father and Founder, saint Ignace. I visited him three times every day; I served my apprenticeship by teaching him; and had him perform acts of faith and contrition, without borrowing any one else's language. At times, he made me repeat what I had had him say, to show me he had become fond of it. Monsieur de Repentigny, his Godfather, visited him often in his sickness, and sent him sometimes a few eggs, sometimes some Pigeons, occasionally some preserves. At the end, he rendered him the last offices, accompanying him to the grave, as also did [95] Mademoiselle his mother and Mademoiselle his wife,[13] and other members of his family. I will say thus much in praise of our French, they are willing to honor the obsequies and Baptisms of our Savages by their presence; this is greatly to the edification of these Barbarians who see that we make a great deal of those of their nation who receive our holy faith. Four Frenchmen bore his body: Monsieur de Courpon, Monsieur Gand, Monsieur de Castillon,[14] and a number of others were in the funeral procession, and were followed by the Savages who were then at Kébec.

On the fourteenth of the month of August, Father Antoine Daniel, coming down from the Huron Country, and passing by the petite Nation of the Algonquins,| baptized a poor Hiroquois prisoner whom the Savages were going to torture. Seeing that this man understood the Huron language well, he therefore made some presents to his guards, in order to be able to approach him and speak with him freely. He represented to him that his life was done; that after death his soul would have to suffer torments, incomparably greater than those he had already [page 65] experienced and would experience in his [96] body; that if, however, he would believe in him who has made all, he would escape these torments, and would enjoy the delights of Heaven. In a word, he instructed him and baptized him immediately, before he should be led to death. The Father told us that one evening, when he was near him, the Savages came and bound the prisoner so that he might not escape in the night; they tied him by the arms. and feet to two heavy pieces of wood, which fastened his poor body, stretched out upon the earth in such a position that he could not move. While one was binding him, another furnished light with a bark torch, purposely shaking this torch in order to scatter the sparks over this poor wretch, as naked as the hand, while he could not brush away these sparks, which stuck to his flesh and burned him with an intense pain. Yet he did not cry out, enduring this torment with a firmness worthy of admiration.

On the twenty-second of the same month, a Savage woman brought her little son to the Fort, asking for him some raisins or prunes. Seeing this little child very sick, I asked if she would not like to have him [97] baptized. She willingly agreed to it, and he was immediately carried to the Chapel. Monsieur the General was there, and consented to act as Godfather, giving him the name Theodore. He was solemnly baptized, in the presence of most of our French people.

These are all who have been baptized at the Residences nearest to Kébec, all the others having been made Christians among the Hurons. The Relation of those so distant Countries, which I send, will mention these baptisms, as well as many other very remarkable things. [page 67]

CHAPTER VI.

ON THE HOPES OF CONVERTING THIS PEOPLE.

MONG various propositions that have been made to me from Old France, some one asks me how it happens that in so many years so few persons have been baptized. It seems to me that the proposition ought to be reversed, and stated, 'How happens it that in so few years so many persons have been baptized? " The holy Scriptures, in speaking of Saul, say that he reigned only two years; and yet [111] it is certain that he bore the Scepter and the Crown a much longer time. In this regard, the holy Spirit estimates his virtue, and not the years of his Scepter and his Crown. I say the same; if you count how many years it has been since men came to New France in search of the spoils of animals, you will find it a long time. But if you ask how many years they have been preaching the holy Gospel, I answer that they have hardly yet begun; for, to speak correctly, we should only reckon from the time that the Gentlemen of the New Company reëntered Kébec. And if you go further back, you will -not be astonished that the faith made no progress in these countries, while a heretic had the principal administration of affairs here, and authority over those who might -have devoted themselves to that work. Now the time has been so short since then, that we have reason to offer a thousand praises to God for the progress that has been made in Religion, [page 87] in the first stammerings of a language which has to be learned, holding the trowel in one hand and the sword in the other,—that is to say, while doing a thousand other [112] things. Those who know what languages are, will rightly consider that to learn one without books and almost without an Interpreter, among wandering people, and in the midst of several other occupations, is not the work of a day. Is it nothing, in addition to that, to preach to our French, to hear Confessions, to administer the Sacraments, to visit the sick, to adjust little differences which are liable to occur, and to perform many other duties sufficient to keep one man constantly employed? It is my decisive opinion that for lack of a complete knowledge of the language we have not yet even begun to unfold the grandeurs of our belief. Themistocles said to the King of Persia that language was like a piece of beautiful tapestry, one must unroll it, in order to see its beauties. Certainly, one must speak in order to be understood; and this is what we cannot do yet, except as children. If nothing else were needed than to propose a few truths stammeringly, in order to fully convince the Savages, this would soon be done. But one must question and answer, satisfy inquiries, dispose of objections, and prepare one's hearers. In short, our [113] truths, which are newer to these Barbarians than the operations of Algebra would be to a person who could only count to ten, must almost make them forget their own language, when we use it to explain these to them. In the same way, are we far from being sufficiently familiar with it, in so short a time, for the explanation of mysteries so deep. And then they ask why it is that we have advanced so little in [page 89] the conversion of these Barbarians. Great affairs are usually concluded only in a long time. He who undertook the building of the Temple of saint Sophia, in Constantinople, ran away as soon as he had laid the foundations of this miracle of human ingenuity. He was often sought for, but in vain; at the end of three years this honest Architect reappeared. When the Emperor asked him why he went away, he answered that so great a piece of Mechanism could not be made in a short time,- that 'the foundations must be allowed to settle and solidify before loading them down; and that he feared his Majesty would not have had the patience needful for that. It is virtue that is necessary, not only to build a Church of stones, but still more for [114] a celestial Jerusalem. The souls which must be the materials of this edifice are not like the stones of which the Temple of Solomon was built, which were cut and placed in position without noise. These cry out only too much, they resist, and with two kinds of resistance, natural and acquired. To be a Barbarian and a good Christian, to live as a Savage and as a child of God, are two very different things. This metamorphosis is not accomplished by a word nor in a moment. A great many people in France imagine that all we have to do is to open our mouths and utter four words, and behold, a Savage is converted. And when they are here, and see these Barbarians in their resistance, they exclaim that it is time lost to preach to them the word of God. How can they be satisfied, and Heaven peopled, with these barbarians? If I were not already somewhat tedious, I would show that the greater number of Christians resist God more than do the Savages. Leave these beggars," say [page 91] some, " you are losing your labors, you are racking your brain for nothing." I would like to whisper a word into the ears of those people. How many times has either [115] your Confessor, or the Preachers, or some good Book, or your own conscience, reproved you for that secret sin you committed ten years ago? How many were the entreaties on the part of Heaven and of your good Angel, to make you give it up? Did you resist all these batteries and all these cannons? You who have been reared in the house of God, who have been stamped by his stamp, who believe that this monstrous sin displeases him, who do not doubt that his justice is terrible,—and you cry out that a poor Savage is a rascal, a beggar, an obstinate fellow; that it is losing time to teach him, when you see him grow restless at the first or second statement made to him of a doctrine so new to him and to all his ancestors. And inasmuch as you do not see him running with open arms to embrace these truths, which he does not yet believe, you despise him and condemn those who instruct him,—you, who have feet of lead in seeking the virtue which you believe to be adorable. Oh, that God may give you patience! Referunt fructum in patientia. The most hasty affairs are not the best conducted; [116] he who runs too fast is soon out of breath. Up to the present we have no reason to complain, thank God. For the future, we entertain good hopes, which I shall proceed briefly to explain.

In the first place, you will grant me that if there is any goodness in God, he will share it with his friends; that if he has ears, they are especially for his favorites. Voluntatem timentium se faciet. He does the will of those who fear him with love and [page 93] respect. Now is it not true that a vast number of pure souls entreat him incessantly for the conversion of these Peoples? I have mentioned some of them above; I know of several others. And all those of whom I have spoken, or of whom I have any knowledge, are only a few in comparison with the many others who wrestle for us, as Moses did for the people of Israel. Is not the holy Spirit, which causes this great void in these so pure wills, powerful enough to fill it? I conjure all these good souls to continue; their prayers are not without blessing. A sign that God wishes to give, is that he causes himself to be asked, [117] and asked with love, with ardor, and with perseverance. We feel the effects of this powerful assistance; if this blare of the trumpets of Heaven continue, the walls of Jericho will fall; they seem already to be shaking.

In the second place, the goodness of God, while raising some obstacles to the faith, little by little casts fear into these souls. Initium sa'pientiæ timor Domini. Many Savages, as well as we ourselves, were astonished at the chastisement of the Sorcerer and his accomplices. The death of the Apostate will not allay the fear that many have of mocking God. But I cannot sufficiently admire his mode of humbling the pride of the naughtiest among them, especially of a certain man named Oumastikoueiau, surnamed by the French la Grenoüille ["the Frog"].[18] This wicked man had more authority than the Captains, and his influence extended even among all these Tribes. His plans were laid to divert them entirely from commerce and friendship with the French. To this end he had negotiated peace with his enemies; but God, who knew the malice of his heart, crushed [page 95] him, and permitted the [118] most wicked of the Savages to be involved in his crimes. For in trying to open a way to the Foreigners through the lands of their enemies, whom he thought he had won over, they imbrued their hands in his blood, slaughtering him miserably, as well as all those whose pride had caused us the most trouble. When Goliath was slain, the army of the Philistines no longer had any strength. The death of these men renders the others more pliable and more disposed to grant us what we desire from them.

In the third place, the more the glory of the French continues to increase in these Regions, the more these Barbarians will respect them, and the more fear they will have of offending them. The Inhabitants of the East Indies, holding the Portuguese in great esteem, more readily received their belief; and the Savages, coming little by little to admire the power, ingenuity and morality of our French,—I tremble while writing these last words, so greatly do I fear being disappointed in this expectation,—will make much of their faith, and will more readily embrace it.

In the fourth place, if they begin [119] already to secure Baptism to their sick children, one must hope that some day they will desire for themselves what they consider good for others. I beg you to note this point and the one that follows. You see mothers themselves bringing their children to Baptism when they see them in danger of death; and some weep bitterly when they hear it said that their children are in the flames, for not having wished to believe, or that they are deprived of the pleasures of Heaven because they were not baptized. Is not this [page 97] a good beginning? It is such as I would not have dared to hope for in so short a time. We see in these acts how God hearkens to the prayers of those who entreat him for this Nation.

In the fifth place, we have a still surer indication that the seed of the Gospel is beginning to germinate in the hearts of these Barbarians. It is that many of them are very glad to die Christians; not, in truth, so much through love as through fear of falling into the fires with which they are threatened. This is surely not a little. Still [120] more, they are beginning to lose the dread they had of Baptism, and the belief that this Sacrament must cause them to die; they are confident their souls are cleansed by these holy waters; they desire to be buried with us. If this faith is not yet quite strong in their souls, it is something that it is beginning to grow there. I have seen those who have said to me, " I fully realize that I am to die; let us give up the body, and think of the soul. " Can that be said unless they have faith? All that we say is only idle fancy, some exclaim. You know what the truth is. Do not these thoughts show that light is beginning to dawn in their hearts? The godson of Monsieur the Governor, having gone to the three Rivers, asked Father Buteux if it were permitted to ask God for health, as if he wished to know whether it would not be better to leave that to him.

In the sixth place, the Hospital that we are encouraged to hope for, will have, we believe, powerful results.[19] It is certain that all the sick Savages will come [121] to die there. For to be sick among these Barbarians, and to have already one foot in the grave, is one and the same thing; of this they are [page 99] very well aware. Hence, I know none among them who do not prefer in sickness the poorest house of the French to the richest Cabin of the Savages. When they find themselves in comfortable beds, well fed, well lodged, well cared-for, do you doubt that this miracle of charity will win their hearts? We are very impatient indeed to see this wonder. But I beg those good sisters who are to have the care of them, not to cross over the sea until their House is in such a condition that they can exercise their duties. Simply to be here, is not all; they must accomplish something ; otherwise, it would be far better to be in France. As soon as buildings are erected, we shall send for them; but a large house cannot be built well in a short time, and by a few people. We are more desirous of seeing our sick in their hands than they are of nursing -them, although they burn with desire, so to speak. We see clearly that their Hospital will fill the Seminaries with boys and girls; for the children of those [122] who die there, will belong to them. I will say still more,—that, in succoring the fathers and mothers, it will be necessary to feed and clothe the children; it is precisely this that is requisite, that they may be instructed. Would to God that they were already charged with fifty little girls as boarders; they would soon have some brave Ursulines here, who would take these children, and would leave the sisters to their sick, who will give them enough to do; and thus both, in exercising the practical virtues, will have something to keep them busy here. And then they must have a good income, to feed and maintain persons who will use more clothes in one year than others would in three. In short, let them bear in [page 101] mind that they are leaving France, a Country full of comfort and politeness, to come to a Country of rudeness and barbarism.

In the seventh place, we have done so much for these poor unbelievers, that they have given us some of their daughters, which seems to me an act of God. These little girls, brought up as Christians and then married to [123] Frenchmen, or baptized Savages, will draw as many children from their Nation as we shall desire. All will lie in our succoring them, in giving them a dowry, in helping them to get married, which I do not think they will fail to secure; God is too good and too powerful. These children are being kept at the house of sieur Hebout [Hubou], who married the widow of the late Monsieur Hebert, first resident of Kébec. He has one of them himself, whom he feeds and supports. Sieur Olivier le Tardif keeps another of them in the same house, whom the Savages have given him; he pays her board, as we do that of the others who are in the same lodging. These little girls are dressed in the French fashion; they care no more for the Savages than if they did not belong to their Nation. Nevertheless, in order to wean them from their native customs, and to give them an opportunity of learning the French language, virtue, and manners, that they may after-wards assist their countrywomen, we have decided to send two or three to France, to have them kept and taught in the house of the Hospital Nuns, whom it is desired to bring over into New France. I beg all Societies that [124] ask me for them to have patience, and to believe that, if I do not satisfy their desire, it is because I have not the power. As to these first ones, it seems to me that the glory of our [page 103] Lord requires that they be taught in the house of the Sisters who will bring them back in such way as shall be prescribed to them. It does not seem best to separate them, lest they lose the knowledge of their own language. Oh, if we could only send a certain one who is to remain in the house of which I have spoken, what comfort I could give those who would get her! This child has nothing savage about her except her appearance and color; her sweetness, her docility, her modesty, her obedience, would cause her to pass for a young well-born French girl, fully susceptible of education. Her father gave her to us only for two years, on condition that she should not go to France. Ah, how I fear that this child will escape us! I pray God to give her so strong a desire to continue with the French, that her parents will never be able to take her away. Since I am speaking of the children who are being sent to France, I will also say that Monsieur Gand makes a present to Monsieur de Noyers, Secretary of State, of a [125] little Savage boy. I have great hopes that so good a hand will return him to us some day, so well educated that he will serve as an example to the people of his nation.

In the last place, I consider it very probable that, if we had a good building in Kébec, we would get more children through the very same means by which we despaired of getting them. We have always thought that the excessive love the Savages bear their children would prevent our obtaining them. It will be through this very means that they will become our pupils; for, by having a few settled ones, who will attract and retain the others, the parents, who do not know what it is to refuse their children, [page 105] will let them come without opposition. And, as they will be permitted during the first few years to have a great deal of liberty, they will become so accustomed to our food and our clothes, that they will have a horror of the Savages and their filth. We have seen this exemplified in all the children brought up among our French. They get so well acquainted with each other in their childish plays, that they do not look at the Savages except to flee from them, or [126] make sport of them. Our great difficulty is to get a building, and to find the means with which to support these children. It is true, we are able to maintain them at Nostre Dame des Anges; but as this place is isolated, so that there are no French children there, we have changed the plan that we formerly had to locate the Seminary there. Experience shows us that it must be established where the bulk of the French population is, to attract the little Savages by the French children. And, since a worthy and virtuous person has commenced by giving something for a Seminary, we are going to give up our attempts to clear some land, and shall make an effort to build at Kébec. I say an effort, for it is with incredible expense and labor that we build in these beginnings. What a blessing from God if we can write next year that instruction is being given in New France in three or four languages. I hope, if we succeed in getting a lodging, to see three classes at Kébec,—the first, of little French children, of whom there will be perhaps twenty or thirty Pupils; the second, of Hurons; the third, of Montagnés. We can have [127] the latter all winter. But I confidently expect that they will continue right on, after once having tasted the sweetness [page 107] of a life that is not always crying hunger, as do these Barbarians. Blessed are those who contribute from their means to this generous enterprise. There are many rich persons in the world, but few of them are chosen for these great works. To have the riches of the earth, is a blessing of the earth; to use them for Heaven, is a blessing of Heaven. To so use them as to gather up and apply the blood of Jesus Christ, this is to participate in the merits of the Apostles, to range one's self in the number of the most intimate friends of Jesus Christ.

These are some of our reasons for hoping that in the course of time we shall make something out of our wandering Savages. I say nothing of the sedentary ones, like the Hurons and other Tribes who live in villages and cultivate the land. If we have a grain of hope for the former, who are fickle and wandering, we have a pound, so to speak, for the latter, who live clustered together. The Relation sent to us from their country, which we forward to France, will [128] show how strongly inclined they are to the faith. [page 109]

CHAPTER IX.

ANSWERS TO SOME PROPOSITIONS SUBMITTED TO ME FROM FRANCE.

SOME persons of standing have caused to be proposed to me, privately and from different places, certain difficulties in regard to which they wish to be enlightened, in order to decide whether to cross over into these countries. It is reasonable to give them exact and satisfactory answers.

I. It is asked whether this country is beyond the incursions of the Spaniard; and thereupon a Chorography is desired, to see the distance there is between new France and the lands he possesses in America.

[158] I answer that there is no need of a Chorography to know this distance; besides, I could only indicate it on the maps already in circulation, having neither the time, nor the leisure, nor the means of visiting so many places to take the necessary altitudes; nevertheless, what I am going to say will fully satisfy the question. The Spaniard could only come to us by sea or by land. To come by land is impossibility itself, and he who has ever so little knowledge of the Country would make himself ridiculous by fearing his approach across so many hundreds of leagues of woods, of forests, of rivers, of lakes, and of mountains. To come by water, he has a long voyage to make; for between him and us there is the whole of Florida, and perhaps several [page 151] other countries beyond; all of Virginia, and all the other lands which belong to France, which are of vast extent. This is not all; after having found the mouth of our great river, he would have to go up about two hundred leagues, according to the sailors, who only allow about seventeen leagues and a half to a degree. So if we follow [159] the Geographers, who make it twenty-five leagues, he would have to come over three hundred leagues up this great River to reach us; and, when all this distance is covered, we are now in such a condition and in such numbers that we do -not fear his forces. If Monsieur de Champlain had had food and powder and other munitions of war, the English would never have entered the fort of Kébec. He had the right kind of courage, and the place was besides easy enough to hold, although it was nothing compared to what has been added and is being added to it every day. As to provisions, they always send us enough for two years; and indeed we shall soon be in a condition to support ourselves from our own labor. But that is what I am asked in the second place.

II. The land being cleared and ploughed, will it produce enough for the inhabitants?

I answer, yes; this is the opinion of those who understand the subject. Sieur Giffard, who has been clearing the land for only two years, and still leaving a great many stumps, hopes to harvest enough this year, if his wheat [160] yields in proportion to present indications, to maintain twenty persons. The last year's harvest was eight puncheons of wheat, two puncheons of peas, three puncheons of Indian corn; and all this was done by the labor of seven men, who were at the same time engaged in [page 153] building, in making hay, and in other work. His land is good; not all is like it.

III. Is there any hope of apple and other fruit trees producing fruit here?

I cannot answer positively, as I have had no ocular proof of this. Sieur Hebert planted some apple trees during his lifetime, which have borne some very good fruit, as I have been assured; but the cattle spoiled these trees. We have grafted some wild trees this year, and the scions have united very well. Time will show us what there is in it. One sees here pear, apple, plum, cherry, and other trees bearing wild fruit; if they can stand the severity of the winter, I do not see why they should die for being grafted with good shoots. . In some places there are many wild vines loaded with [161] grapes; some have made wine of them through curiosity; I tasted it, and it seemed to me very good. Many are sure that the vine would succeed here; and, when I urged against this the rigor of the cold, they replied that the vine-stock will be safe all Winter under the snow, and that in the Spring it need not be feared that the vines will freeze as they do in France, because they will not sprout so early. All this seems probable.

IV. How long would it take twenty men to clear an arpent of land? What would it cost apiece to maintain them for a year? And what provisions would it be necessary to furnish?

Twenty men will clear in one year thirty arpents of land, so clean that the plow can pass through it; if they had an interest in the matter, perhaps they would do more. There are some places which are much easier than others. The usual task for each man is an arpent and a half a year, if he is not [page 155] engaged in other work. As rations, each one is given two loaves of bread, of about six or seven pounds, a week,—that is, a puncheon of flour a year; [162] two pounds of lard, two ounces of butter, a little measure of oil and of vinegar; a little dried codfish, that is, about a pound; a bowlful of peas, which is about a chopine [pint],—and all this for one week. As to their drinks, they are given a chopine of cider per day, or a quart of beer, and occasionally a drink of wine, as on great fête-days. In the winter they are given a drop of brandy in the morning, if one has any. What they can get from the Country, in hunting or fishing, is not included in this. By following this memorandum, one can see what it costs to keep a man, and the provisions that must be supplied. I say nothing of the other edibles which it is well to bring,—prunes, rice, raisins, and other things that can be used for the sick. Neither do I speak of the clothes, blankets, mattresses, and other such things, that every one can bring according to his condition and ability.

V. How is the great saint Lawrence River formed? What kind of banks has it? How far up do the great Vessels go, and of what burden are those which go up as far [163] as Kébec and the three Rivers? What is the condition of the fortifications that have been made for the safety of the Country?

Here are a great many questions, all at once, which it is difficult to answer without making long journeys. When you come up to Kébec and have the wind astern, you hardly notice the banks of the great River, which sometimes do not appear at all, either from their great distance, the River being very wide, or from the fogs that obscure the view. To coast along [page 157] these shores, you would have to make four hundred leagues, and carry men and provisions for a long time. Yet I must give some answer. Upon entering these lands, you encounter a Gulf as large as a sea; farther up, this Gulf changes into a very broad River, for you can scarcely see the banks while sailing in the middle of it. It keeps on narrowing, and yet it is fully ten leagues wide at more than a hundred leagues from its mouth. Opposite Kébec, where it becomes very narrow, it is six hundred and seventy-two toises wide, this distance having been measured on the ice. Four leagues farther up, its bed widens [164] out again, and opposite the settlement of the three Rivers, which is thirty leagues above Kébec, it is still two or three thousand ordinary paces in width, as I wrote last year; a little higher it forms the great Lake of saint Peter, about seven leagues wide. This King of all Rivers is bordered sometimes by mountains, sometimes by a flat country, or by land but slightly elevated. I have often navigated it from Kébec up to the three Rivers. I have observed that some of the banks are rocky, others sandy; upon others one finds clay,—heavy soil, very good for making brick. The Country is beautiful and very attractive, intersected by rivers, brooks, and torrents issuing from the ground. The Savages pointed out to me some places where the Hiroquois once cultivated the land. It seems to me I am going into repetitions, but those who ask for these answers wish it so. This River from the Cape of saint Lawrence, that is, from its mouth, up to Tadoussac flows partly toward the Northwest, a quarter from the West, partly toward the West, a quarter from the Southwest, according to Monsieur [page 159] Champlain's maps; for I have not made these observations while sailing upon it, not supposing [165] that that would be necessary for my purposes. As to the size of the Ships that can enter this River, I am persuaded that all those which can sail the Ocean with safety can safely come up as far as Tadoussac, and perhaps even to Kébec, and a little higher. However, they do not generally bring vessels up here except those of one hundred to two hundred tons. Beyond Kébec only Barks are sent, which pass far above the three Rivers. Enough upon this point. As to the question about fortifications, I have answered it in the preceding Chapter.

VI. In regard to the quality of the soils, to describe those which are suitable for tillage, for planting, for pasture; whether it will be necessary to work them with teams of oxen, or horses; what grains will they bear?

If our great forests were leveled, I could very easily answer these questions; but as they are still standing, and as one does not easily visit them, I will say that I have seen both good and bad land in the places I have frequented. One must reason about [166] New France in this respect the same as one does about the Old. There are fertile lands, in some places sand, in others meadows, and places very fit to make meadows. I believe there are some quarters adapted to vines, to plants; but all these are not together, and yet this is what one would desire. In these beginnings, as all these experiments have not yet been made, I cannot indicate the peculiar quality of every soil with certainty. The three Rivers seems to me like Anjou; it is a sandy country, and I believe the vine would flourish there. Kébec [page 161] is diversified; there are very low places where wheat might do well, upon the heights the vine and wheat might flourish. As to wheat, experience has given us faith. Meadows can be made in a thousand places. There are some upon the borders of the great River, but these are greatly injured by the tides. There is no need to bring over grains as seed; they will be found here in exchange for other grains, or something else.. March wheat sown in the spring succeeds better than wheat sown before winter. Not that I have not seen some very fine wheat that was sown in October. [167] But as we are not yet thoroughly acquainted with the weather and the nature of the soil and climate, it is safer to sow in the Spring than before the Winter. Common barley and hulled barley succeed to perfection, and rye does very well; at least I can assert that I have seen all these grains grow here, as beautiful as they have in France. The peas are better and more tender than those they bring over in ships. Pot-herbs do very well, but the seeds must be brought over. It is true that the nearness of the forests, and so much rotten wood, of which the land is, as it were, formed and nourished, engender, at times, insects which gnaw everything; as these animals die during the heat of Summer, everything comes to perfection, but sometimes later than is desirable to secure the grain and seed. We have here oxen and cows, which we use to cultivate the cleared land; this year some asses have been brought over, which will be of great service; horses could be used, but there is no hurry about bringing them.

VII.Is building stone to be found there, [168] also clay, sand?

All these are here in abundance in some [page 163] places, in others not. For a distance of two leagues round about Kébec lime is made; good building stone is quarried, which can be easily cut; excellent brick is made, and sand is found almost everywhere.

VIII.Notice what the country furnishes to sustain human life, the kinds of animals, etc.

Game among river birds is abundant in season, that is, in the Spring and Autumn; but as it has been so greatly disturbed in the more inhabited localities, it is going farther and farther away. There are Islands which are full of Geese, Bustards, Ducks of various kinds, Teal and other Game; but, as we are occupied with more necessary affairs, we do not often engage in hunting these animals. There are Elks, Beavers, Porcupines, Hares, and some of the deer family,—such as the common red Deer, and a kind of cow that appears to have some affinity with ours.[33] This chase of the larger animals is as yet mainly indulged in by the Savages, who, by the pursuit of them, have driven these animals from our settlements; [169] some of the French, however, have killed Elks, but not many. The time will come when they can be domesticated, and we shall make good use of them, having them drag over the snow the wood—and other things which we shall need; these Gentlemen are keeping three of these animals, two males and one female, and we shall see how they will succeed; if they become tame, it will be easy to provide for them, as they eat nothing but wood. In time, parks can be made, in which to keep Beavers; these would be treasure-houses, besides furnishing us with fresh meat at all times. For if one sees so many ewes, sheep, and lambs in France, although the Ewe generally bears but one lamb a year, [page 165] I leave you to imagine how much more Beavers will multiply, since the female bears several.

As to the fish, he is here, as it were, in his empire. There are a great many Lakes, Ponds, and Rivers, filled with them. The great river is full of Sturgeon, Salmon, Shad, Pike, Flounders, goldfish, whitefish, Carp of different kinds, Eels, etc. Not that they [170] can be caught everywhere in the same abundance, but there are places where the quantity of fish seems marvelous. While I am writing this, here comes a boy bringing twenty-five or thirty Flounders, caught in one night. There are some Lakes where one could live on fish, winter and summer. This last winter our French caught Pike there three or four feet long, Sturgeons of four or five feet, and other fish in abundance. It was a Savage who made me acquainted with this trade. It is now being enjoyed by our French at the three Rivers, where the fishing, to tell the truth, exceeds all ideas that we may have of it; but it is not that way everywhere. When we can do here as we do in France, where certain ones give themselves up solely to fishing, others to hunting, others to tilling the soil, others to building, we shall have as many comforts as we do in France; but we cannot yet hope for that, as there are not enough of us.

IX. What kind of merchandise can we send from here to France, such as Peltries; Codfish, dry and fresh; oil of the Whale, and of other big fish? What minerals can be found here, [171] gummy woods which produce resin, Pines, Firs, Cedars, Oak planks, materials with which to build our Ships?

I answer that all these things are found in this country, but there are not yet enough people here to [page 167] gather in its riches. We have Codfish at our door, so to speak. They come from France to fish for it in our great river, at Gaspé, at l'Isle percé, at Bonaventure,[34] at Miskou; and yet the Codfish that is eaten at Kébec generally comes from France, because there are not yet enough men here to go down to that fishery. I can say the same of the coal and gypsum,—these are found here, but ships are needed to go and get them; these forces are as yet lacking, for our chief care must be to provide for lodgings, fortifications, and the clearing of the land. The Basques come up as far as Tadoussac, or farther, to kill Whales; effort will be made this year, I have been told, to take Porpoises, or white Whales, which pass in numberless shoals before Kébec,.[35] For a long time we have seen them swimming before our eyes, and yet [172] more urgent affairs have thus far retarded this enterprise. And yet, if it were necessary to go ten or twenty leagues from here to get them, they would be let alone. Everything will come in its turn. Some persons of good business ability, such as are needed in this country, assure me that they are sending to France Clapboards, Oak planks, and those made of other woods, for Ships, to the value of ten thousand francs; and all this has not taken one year's work, for they have been engaged part of the time in clearing the land. I should like to have fifty such families here, but not all are so capable. If any profit can be made out of Firs, Cedars, Pines, Spruce, there are plenty of them here and in many places. As to the mines, the land must first be cleared, because we must not expect from France the quantity of flour necessary for so many mouths, and for so many persons who will have to [page 169] work at the furnaces. One man thinks he has found a gold mine, and another a silver mine; I am not prepared to say whether this is true or not. Not only can [173] Codfish of all kinds be found here, but also Salmon in some places; one can also salt Eels in abundance, which are very good; we catch and make provisions of these long fish because they are found at Kébec; the Salmon and Codfish, being farther away, are out of our reach; but it will not be always so. As to the Peltries of Beavers, Otters, Foxes, and other animals, this is something which need not be considered, for these Gentlemen reserve this business for themselves. One can, however, make something from these, inside the Country, for they do not care through what hands their Beavers pass, provided they come to their storehouses. The inhabitants can barter the products of their own lands, but on condition that they will not have these sent over to France. This seems very reasonable, for it is impossible to defray the heavy expenses of their shipments if they do not derive some benefits from these countries. I wish every one would grasp my idea, that all would thoroughly comprehend this truth, that the power of this honorable Company is the support of the Country. If their resources are taken away, [174] we shall all be undone; if we all contribute to their prosperity, we shall build up and strengthen our own.

Now, in regard to this Trading; Your Reverence wrote me and called my attention to the rule of the seventh general Congregation of our Society, which absolutely forbids all kinds of commerce and business, under any pretext whatever. Some others of our Fathers send me word that we must not even look [page 171] at from the corners of our eyes, or touch with the ends of our fingers, the skin of any of these animals, which are of great value here; what can be the cause of this advice? Surely, it cannot be that our Society distrusts those it sends to these regions, in regard to this matter, any more than in a great many others. It seems to me I have heard that, in France, some who do not know us, and do not wish to know us, cry out that our hands are not clean from this traffic. May God bless them and make them understand the truth, as I am about to utter it, when it will conduce to his glory. We cannot expect long to serve the Master we serve, without being slandered. These [175] are his liveries and he himself would not recognize us, so to speak, if we did not wear them.

Now here is what I can write about it, with the same sincerity with which I would some day render an account to God of all my actions. Peltry is not only the best thing and the easiest to make use of in this country, but it is also the coin of the greatest value. And the best of it is that, after it has been used as a covering, it is found to be ready-made gold and silver. You know in France how much consideration is given the style of a gown. Here all there is to do is to cut it out of a Beaver skin, and the Savage woman straightway sews it to her little child with a Moose tendon, with admirable promptness. Whoever wishes to pay in this coin for the goods he buys here, saves thereby the twenty-five per cent that the market price gives them over that in France for the risk they run upon the sea. The day-laborers also would rather receive the wages for their work in this money than in any other. And certainly it seems that commutative justice allows [page 173] that, if what comes [176] to us from France is dearer for having floated over the sea, what we have here is worth something for having been chased in the woods and over the snow, and for being the wealth of the Country; especially as those who are paid with this coin always find therein their reckoning and something more. It is for this reason that the Gentlemen of the Company permit to a -reasonable extent this practice to every one, and do not care whether these skins are used for trade or for protection from the cold,—provided that, in the end, they come back to their storehouse, and do not cross the seas except in their own Ships. In consequence of this, if occasionally one of them gets into our hands, we do not scruple to use it in the way of a purchase, any more than we would as a covering for the little Savages who cause us expense,—or to make for ourselves shoes from the skins of Moose, that we may walk upon our snowshoes, for which the common ones are of no use whatever, because they are so hard. Such is here the custom of both the French and the Barbarians. We send also some old Elk skins to our Fathers who are among the Hurons, and some Porcelain, [177] when we have any; it is the best part of their money, and with it they pay for their frugal provisions of Indian corn and smoked fish, as also for the materials and making of their bark Palaces. This, in truth, is all the profit we derive here from Peltries and other rare things of the Country,—all the use that we make of them. If it is dispassionately believed that there is some kind of traffic, or even if Your Reverence deems it best to drop all this, in order not to offend any one, we are all ready to give it up entirely. I say all, meaning as many of [page 175] us as are here,—and, if I dare to build hopes upon the goodness of our Lord, those who come after us will keep the same rule. What blindness would it be for us to come here to disobey our Superiors, or to scandalize those for whom we would willingly have sacrificed our lives! But if, on the contrary, you write us that all this is according to God, without semblance of traffic,—although a few slanderers, about whom we should not trouble ourselves, may stir up their passions at it, and turn it into poison,—we shall not fail to go on, after [178] having entreated these same lugubrious and irritable natures to believe that, if it pleases them to make us give up this innocent practice, they must open their own coffers to assist us in these distant Countries, after they have, through caprice, cut off a part of what was necessary to us. However carefully we have been able to manage things up to the present time, the last letters from that one of our Fathers who handles our income or our charitable gifts over there, and who sends us our supplies, indicate that without a little miracle he experienced lately in the assistance of saint Joseph, he would not have been able to furnish us anything this year. Now how would it be if we had to buy the remainder here, and send to him its items increased by a third or a fourth? Besides, if there is any charity in the world, no one should envy our little Seminary children because we cover them with stuffs which originate among them, and which last longer, especially upon their rather uneasy shoulders, and which protect them better from the cold than anything else. Nor should we be blamed for using [179] the money of the Country to save something for the benefit of these poor abandoned creatures; to [page 177] give them covering and food while they are willing to be instructed and desirous of becoming Christians, if they are not so already; and to have something with which to bury them, when they come to die. If France were reduced to such a condition that money was not in circulation, one would be obliged in commerce to use the articles and commodities themselves, trading one for the other; or even if there were any profit in doing this beyond the mere necessity, and if such were the custom, could any one find it wrong that, no matter what profession we make of poverty, we should follow the way of others, and when some objects of value should become ours, whether by purchase or donation,—either in exchange, or as a pure gift,—we should make use of them according to circumstances? We have no greater attractions for these poor people than their hope of getting from us some material assistance, and they never cease asking us for it. To refuse them is to estrange them. If we always give to them without taking anything in return, we [180] shall soon be at the end of our string; and yet, if we take away from them the liberty of asking, they will never become civilized. What remains then? To tell them to apply to those who have more to give than we? That will hardly help us, or render them more familiar with us. Shall we receive in order to give to those who would furnish us with something to satisfy them? This would be making us their Agents. But who has ever imagined that it is trafficking to give and take according to the necessity of the ordinary occurrences of human life? inasmuch as what you get in one place will exceed the value [page 179] of what you have given for it in another place. This is what I had to say on this point, yielding after all, as I have already declared, to what obedience shall deem proper or what shall be considered most edifying. For to consent to answer those who slander us, as if we were secretly making some other use of these skins and sending them to France, this would be making ourselves ridiculous. It is just as well to leave them something to say; and if they find ears ready to listen to these absurdities, I would be culpable [181] in expecting to find them open to the truth. What then? Shall men who have given up greater worldly blessings than they could hope for in the imaginations of these slanderers, finally decide to exchange France for Canada, to go there for the sake of two or three Beaver skins, and to trade them off unknown to their Superiors,—that is to say, at the expense of their consciences and of the loyalty they owe to him, to imitate whom they have so subjugated themselves that they cannot freely dispose of even a pin?

CREDITE POSTERI.

Moreover, I shall be displeased with all this honorable Company of New France, if they are aware of anything like this in us, and do not speak of it. What fruit for heaven can they hope from our works, if they see us attached to the earth by avarice of any kind? Some one will also urge for us that, if we became implicated in these infamous transactions, without these Gentlemen finding it out, they would not be very vigilant in their affairs and in the principal part of their business. But I am abusing my leisure [page 181] and your patience, in dwelling [182] so long on what did not merit an answer.[36]

X. I am asked finally what this Country of the Hurons is, and what prospects there would be for those who would like to go there.

To this I could not answer better than by the Relation which I send with this one. I pray God that he may send there a number of young men, strong, bold, and courageous, but, above all, singularly virtuous, and who would prefer to lose all else, rather than his holy grace, even if it were only for a moment. Without this qualification, they would ruin body and soul, considering the occasions for it that are encountered there. With this qualification, they would perform the offices of so many Apostles. And, besides, they could after a while live there at their ease, and be held in honor like so many little Kings. But they must undertake this voyage for the love of God alone. He who seeks only him is astonished to see himself surrounded by all the rest. [page 183]

CHAPTER XI.

or, JOURNAL OF THE THINGS THAT COULD NOT BE RELATED IN THE PRECEDING CHAPTERS.

ON the fifteenth of September, having embarked for our residence of the Conception, I was consoled at seeing that the Nibrisiriniens, a tribe living near the Hurons, could understand my Montagnés jargon. Any one who knows perfectly the language of the Kébec Savages can make himself understood, I conjecture, by all the Tribes from the great Isle of Newfoundland to the Hurons of the Northern region. For the difference in these languages consists only in certain Idioms, that one could easily learn if he frequented these Nations.

On the ninth of October, Father Buteux having entered the Cabin of a Montagnés Captain, where some Strangers had [190] arrived, this Captain made him sit down beside him, and then, addressing his guests, openly told them many good things about us. " These people," said he, " have great knowledge; they are charitable, they are kind to us in our necessity; one of them has cured my daughter, who was going to die. " Father Quentin had given her some ointments which had helped her. " Nevertheless," he added, " they never ask anything in return; but, on the contrary, they feed our sick people, while restoring them to health. And that you may know how intelligent they are, “Take thy Massinatrigan, " he said to the Father,—that is to say, " thy Book or thy [page 193] Tablets, "—" write what I shall say. " He repeated to him the names of twelve or thirteen little Nations which are towards the North, and begged him to pronounce them aloud. The Father obeyed him. When these Strangers heard him name these Nations, they were astonished to see so many Tribes enclosed in a little piece of bark,—it is thus they call the leaves of his Tablets. Thereupon the Father took occasion to tell them that God, through the medium of his book, had made us know about the blessings of Heaven, and the [191] torments of Hell. One of them asked him if God had not told him how deep the snow would be the next winter. Omnes quæ sua sunt quærunt. Men of earth think only of earth.

On the first of December, the settlement at the three Rivers being on fire, a Captain of the Savages urged them so vigorously to come to our aid, and to save the bread and the peas, that in fact the storehouse was saved. " For, " said he, " we are lost, if that burns."

On the sixth of the same month, a Savage, seeing an Image of Our Lord in our House, told me that I had killed his brother with a portrait like that. I was quite astonished, and asked him how I had made use of this Image to kill a man. "Dost thou remember, " said he, " that last winter thou gavest to Sakapoüan, my brother-in-law, such an Image as that? He became sick soon after, and died." Then I remembered that, in fact, upon seeing the wretchedness of these People who were crying from hunger, after having had a large band of them eat with us, I spoke to them about having recourse to the God of Heaven, saying that he would assuredly succor them. [192] I showed them the Image of his Son and placed [page 195] it in the hands of this Sakapoüan, explaining to them all how they must have recourse in their need to him whom it represented, assuring them also that if they believed and hoped in him, they would be assisted; but if they ridiculed him, he would punish them. This wretch never had the courage to show this Image, nor to pray to him whom it represented, for fear of being mocked by his people. Perhaps as a punishment for this treachery, God afflicted him with a sickness which carried him off, as I wrote last year. So this was what my Savage was trying to tell me, imputing to me the death of this man in the presence of several others of his Nation. But, having explained to them how the thing happened, I began to reproach my accuser with having saved his life, which was true. He wished to deny it; but, when I had related all the circumstances of the affair, all the Savages said to him, " Hold thy tongue, thou hast no sense; the Father tells the truth. " He was much surprised when I told him that his brother-in-law and his own sister had determined to kill him in his sleep; and that, [193] if I had not prevented them, he would no longer be in this world. This poor man, quite astounded, began to tell me that he had no brains, and that the threat he had made against me should have been directed against the Hiroquois, and not against any Frenchman, and that I should not get angry with him. I have noticed that the Savages are like Demons in one respect,—if you carry a high hand with them, they are cowards; if you yield to them, they are furious. I mean that it is dangerous to use too much severity or too much dissimulation toward them, for either of these two extremes will one day arouse them against us, if we [page 197] are not careful. You see some persons who dare not say a word to them, others drive them with a switch; the former will make them insolent and unbearable, the latter will make them refractory. Being kind to the Savages, helping them in their need, doing them no wrong or injury, exercising some kind of justice toward those individuals who are insolent, especially if their Captains cannot make them listen to reason,—these are the means of holding these Barbarians a long time in the line of duty.

[194] On the tenth of the same month of December, Father Buteux having entered a Cabin where they were having an eat-all feast of Bear fat, and taking his place with the others without having noticed this, some one gave him a great dish full of this Nectar. Very much surprised, he refused it, saying he had just dined. The distributor of the feast became angry, and said to him, " Why hast thou come here, then, if thou dost not wish to take part in the feast? Thou must eat all that, otherwise our feast will be spoiled." To please him, the Father tasted a little of it. just then Father Quentin arrived, who also entered without heeding the feast; and behold him doomed to eat his share. When they both declared that it would be impossible, they were accused of stupidity, and of having only a small heart, since they did not have a large stomach. " I have eaten more," said one of them, " than all the black robes together could eat." The Fathers answered him, " Since thou art so valiant a man, eat our share too." " Yes, indeed," said he; and he really did it, on condition that we would give him something more to eat in our little House.

[195] On the same day,—which was the second [page 199] since the vow we had made to God in honor of the Conception of the holy Virgin, for the conversion of these Peoples,—a Savage came and brought me of his own accord, or rather through the unseen guidance of the holy Spirit, a little girl, to make me a present of her. That greatly rejoiced us, for heretofore there has been great difficulty in obtaining girls. Now to free myself from the importunity of these Barbarians, I advised them to present her to some French Captain; it is thus they call all those who have any authority. I hinted at Monsieur Gand, whom I begged to accept this child, and to make some present to this Savage, assuring him that we would be responsible for everything. He did not fail us, but appeared to be very well pleased,—evincing an interest in this Barbarian, and making him a present of a blanket and a keg of sea biscuit, which were placed upon our accounts. He had her lodged at sieur Hebout's, and we immediately had her dressed like a French child, paying her board besides. It is true Monsieur Gand wished to give her a dress at his own expense, so glad was [196] he to see this poor girl in the way of obtaining her own salvation, and that of many others also. We have observed and will observe the same plan in regard to those who have been given to us since, and who will be given to us hereafter; for, as these Barbarians are disposed to retract their promises, I send them to the French Captain, and tell them that he will be off ended if they act like children, who change their minds every moment; this holds them to their duty.

On the eighteenth of the same month, Monsieur de Champlain being very sick, Monsieur Gand went to the Cabins of the Savages to give orders about the [page 201] traffic that was being carried on in brandy and other drinks, which intoxicate and kill these Barbarians. They will finally murder some Frenchman in their drunkenness; and the Frenchmen, in defending themselves, will kill some Savages, and behold the ruin of trade for a time. The prohibition against selling these drinks having been repeated among our French people, it was desired to give fair warning of it to the Savages. Monsieur Gand had it announced to them, that, if any one of them became intoxicated hereafter, he would be asked, when he returned to his [197] senses, who had given or sold him this drink; and that, if he told the truth, no harm would be done to him, but that the Frenchman would have to pay the fine provided in the regulations. In case he should refuse to name the one from whom he had obtained this drink, he would be forbidden to enter the houses of the French; and if any Frenchman admitted him to his own house, both would be punished alike. This is an excellent device to obviate this evil, which will exterminate these Nations if an effective remedy is not found for it. The Savages were very glad of this procedure,—saying that, if the French did not give them either wine or brandy, their wives and children would have something to eat, inasmuch as they would make a good living from their Peltries; but that, when it came to exchanging them for drinks, there were only the men and a few women who enjoyed them, and that to the detriment of their health and the loss of their lives. Finally, in order to urge us to enforce these regulations, they asked three times if Monsieur Gand spoke in earnest, or if he were only indulging in words, as had been done, [198] they said, up to that time. They were [page 203] assured that the French and they themselves would be punished in the way described above, if they did not obey. " See who of us is good," they answer; " if, when we go into your houses, we are given a piece of bread instead of a drink of brandy, we shall be far better satisfied." Very well spoken, according to the voice of reason, which makes them see that these " waters of life " cause death; but not according to the senses, for they are only too eager for our drinks,—both men and women experiencing a singular pleasure, not in drinking, but in becoming drunk, glorying in this and in making others so. Now the penalties provided by these ordinances having been executed soon afterwards against some Frenchmen who had been forgetful of their duty, the Savages had intelligence enough to say that formerly we had talked, but at present we were acting. Evils cannot be corrected until they are known.

I will notice two instances bearing on this point before proceeding further. The first is, that one of the Savages who had been made drunk, was meditating the murder of a young Frenchman; in fact, he would have killed him, if he could have surprised him. Having slept off the effects of his wine, [199] he learned that the Frenchman who had given him this drink had been condemned to fifty francs fine; I have been told, I know not how true it is, that he promised to give him the value of it in Peltries. This is a proof of natural goodness; but I know the hypocrite,—he talks much more readily than he acts. The second is, that Monsieur Gand, in his talk to the Savages, which I have mentioned, remonstrated with them, saying that if death was so common among them they must ascribe, it to these drinks, which they [page 205] did not know how to use with moderation. " Why dost thou not write to thy great King," said they, " to have him forbid them from bringing over these drinks that kill us? " And when they were answered that our Frenchmen needed them upon the sea, and in the intense cold of their country, " Arrange it, then, so that they alone drink them." An attempt will be made, as I hope, to keep this business under control; but these Barbarians are troublesome to the last degree. Another one, breaking into the conversation, took up the defense of wine and brandy. " No," said he, " it is not these drinks that take away our lives, but your writings; for since you have described our country, our rivers, our lands, and our woods, [200] we are all dying, which did not happen until you came here." We began to laugh upon hearing these new causes of their maladies. I told them that we described the whole world,—that we described our own country, that of the Hurons, of the Hiroquois, in short, the whole earth; and yet they did not die elsewhere as they did in their country. It must be, then, that their deaths arose from other causes. They agreed to this.

On the twenty-fifth of December, the day of the birth of our Savior upon earth, Monsieur de Champlain, our Governor, was reborn in Heaven; at least, we can say that his death was full of blessings. I am sure that God has shown him this favor in consideration of the benefits he has procured for New France, where we hope some day God will be loved and served by our French, and known and adored by our Savages. Truly he had led a life of great justice, equity, and perfect loyalty to his King and towards the Gentlemen of the Company. But at his death he [page 207] crowned his virtues with sentiments of piety so lofty, that he astonished us [201] all. What tears he shed! how ardent became his zeal for the service of God! how great was his love for the families here!—saying that they must be vigorously assisted for the good of the Country, and made comfortable in every possible way in these early stages, and that he would do it if God gave him health. He was not taken unawares in the account which he had to render unto God, for he had long ago prepared a general Confession of his whole life, which he made with great contrition to Father Lalemant, whom he honored with his friendship. The Father comforted him throughout his sickness, which lasted two months and a half, and did not leave him until his death. He had a very honorable burial, the funeral procession being formed of the People, the Soldiers, the Captains, and the Churchmen. Father Lalemant officiated at this burial, and I was charged with the funeral Oration, for which I did not lack material. Those whom he left behind have reason to be well satisfied with him; for, although he died out of France, his name will not therefor be any less glorious to Posterity.

After these funeral ceremonies, Monsieur de Chasteau-fort,[38] who now commands [202] at the three Rivers, assumed his office, in pursuance of the power which had been given to him by the Gentlemen of the Company, through the Letters which were opened and read at once -in the presence of the People assembled in the Church. These Gentlemen had made me the trustee of these documents, to produce them at the proper time and place, which I did.

On the thirtieth of the same month, a Savage, having engaged in a dispute with one of our Fathers [page 209] on the cause of, death, insisted that the Manitou caused sickness and death. The Father, having talked to him of sin, and seeing that this was too deep for him, convinced him by a homely comparison, setting aside the moral cause of death to make him comprehend the physical. " When thy hatchet is dull," said he, " or when it is nicked a little, thy arms do not serve thee so well, because it is sick in its way; when it is entirely broken, and no longer worth anything, thou throwest it away, thou abandonest it; it is as if dead, thy arms can no longer make use of it. Now what thy axe is to thy hands, thy body is in regard to thy soul; when thine eye is hurt, it does not serve thy soul [203] so readily in seeing, because it is sick; thus it is with other injured organs, the soul can-not use them so easily; but if the lungs, the spleen, the heart, or any other vital organ, is completely ruined, thy soul, being no longer able to use it, drops it then, and this is how we die. Now it is not the Manitou that spoils these organs, but too great cold, too much heat, excess of any kind. Dost thou not feel thyself burn when thou hast drunk brandy? That consumes thy liver and dries it up, it impairs the other internal organs, and causes sickness, which, becoming more aggravated, entirely destroys some organ; whence it happens that thy soul goes away, thou art dead, and this without the Manitou having touched thee." "I believe," said he, " that thou art right; we are lacking in wit to believe that it is the Manitou who kills us."

On the fifteenth of the same, there was a great Northeaster accompanied by a rainfall which lasted a long time, and by a cold severe enough to freeze this water as soon as it touched anything; so that when [page 211] this rain [204] fell upon the trees, from the summit to the roots it was converted into ice-crystals, which encased both the trunk and the branches, causing for a long time all our great forests to seem but a forest of crystal,—for, indeed, the ice which everywhere completely covered them was thicker than a teston[39]. In a word, all the bushes and everything above the snow were surrounded on all sides and encased in ice. The Savages told me that this did not happen often.

"I have seen thy Manitou, and I thy Jesus," said two Savages who came to see one of our Fathers about this time. " Oh what a good year he promised us! What Beavers, what Elks! providing thou givest us a good lot of Tobacco to sacrifice to him." " Go away, Frauds; that is neither what he asked in sacrifice, nor what you intend to give him. Believe in him, and serve him as you shall be taught, and you will be blessed," answered the Father. These are their tricks for obtaining what they lay claim to, or devices they have retained from some of our French, who formerly deceived [205] them under these fine pretenses.

On the twelfth of February, one of our Fathers speaking to the Savages about the justice of God, and how he would measure us by the same standard by which we measured our fellow-beings, a Savage of whom I have spoken above said to him afterward in private, " I believe what thou hast said about the justice of God, I have seen an example of it with my own eyes. We had gone hunting, one of my brothers and I; and, as we had very few provisions, my brother said to me that we should kill a poor orphan boy who accompanied us; and while saying [page 213] this he put a cord around his neck, and made me pull at one end while he pulled at the other. I obeyed him against my will. Be that as it may, having killed this young man, we separated to seek for the trail of a Moose; and, having found one, I followed it, I encountered the animal, and killed it; I carried the great beast to our Cabin, where I did not find my brother. As he did not return and as it was growing late, my mother went to seek him; she found him very sick, and wild-looking. The poor woman, very much disturbed, begged him gently to return. 'No,' said he, 'I [206] must die.' Finally, making a pretense of obeying her, he said to my mother that she should walk on ahead and he would follow slowly. When my poor mother had gone a little distance, this wretched man turned around and went away, so that we have never seen him nor heard of him since, although we have made diligent search for him. In that, " said this Savage, " I recognized that he who has made all pays us in the same money that we use with each other."

On the second day of April, Father Quentin made a journey a few leagues from the three Rivers, to visit some sick persons of whom we had heard. The fruit that he brought thence was that he several times risked his life for God among the dangers of ice and bad weather. He contented himself with giving them some instruction, without baptizing any of them, seeing that they were neither in danger of death nor sufficiently instructed. Sieur Jean Nicolet served him as interpreter, with his usual kindness and fidelity, of which our Fathers make good use on similar occasions. I have some memoirs from his hand, which may some day appear, concerning the [page 215] Nipisiriniens, with whom he has [207] often wintered, and from whom he only withdrew to place his salvation in safety by the use of the Sacraments, without which there is great risk for the soul among the Savages.

On the fourth of May, as Monsieur Gand was going to make a visit to the three Rivers, I entered his bark, desiring to be present at an assembly of Savages which was to be held there. The wind being against us, fortunately for me a Canoe of Savages passed us which took me on board, and soon set me down where I wished to be. Monsieur Gand having at last arrived, the Savages came to see him, and held a council to implore him to induce the Captains who were coming to give them assistance in their wars. The first one who spoke pleased us greatly. He began with an exclamation: " What can I say? I have no longer any voice; heed not my words; listen to these poor widows and these poor orphans, who cry that they no longer have fathers or husbands. Do you alone, you Frenchmen, wish to exist in this country? Keep your hands folded, do not help us; and in a little while you will see [208] but women and children. We are going to die with our Captains whom our enemies have slaughtered. No, I am wrong, you are too good to see us rush headlong to death without lending us a hand. A very few of you can save all our lives, and make the whole country live again. Come, take courage; and, when the Captains arrive, speak for us." Monsieur Gand, looking quite as much to the salvation of their souls as to the welfare of their bodies, answered that he loved them, and would willingly speak in their behalf to the Captains; yet he feared that these Captains would no [page 217] more lend their ears to his words, than the Savages had shown affection for the French. " In the first place, you have not allied yourselves up to the present with our French people, your daughters have married with all the neighboring Nations, but not with ours. Your children live in the land of the Nipisiriniens, of the Algonquins, of the Attikamegues, of the people of the Sagné, and in all the other Nations. Up to the present you have not offered them to the French for instruction. If you had done this from the time of our first arrival in the Country, [209] you would all know by this time how to handle arms as we do, and your enemies would not exist in your presence,—you would not die every day as you are doing. He who has made all, and who protects us, would preserve you as well as he does us, as we would then be only one and the same People. Secondly, we remember very well that the Hiroquois have killed our people, and we will get satisfaction for it; but we will not be too hasty. You see that we are increasing every day; when our numbers shall be large enough we will attack them, and will not give up the war until we have exterminated them. If you wish to come with us, you may come; but, as you do not know how to obey in war, we shall not count upon your assistance. In the third place, if the Captains ask me if you do not seek Foreigners in your trading, I do not know what I can answer them. Nevertheless, if you are partial to an alliance with us, I will petition them in your behalf. Not that we have need of your daughters or your children; we are as populous as the leaves of your trees. But we [210] would like to see only one People in all this land." They answered that all [page 219] this was reasonable, and that Monsieur de Champlain had previously talked about this in private; that it must be spoken of in the presence of all the Nations.

On the twenty-second of the same month, I learned some very bad news at Kébec. A young baptized Savage, who lived in our house, being with one of our Frenchmen who was hunting beyond the Sault de Montmorency, the Frenchman's gun having burst in his hands and having wounded him, he returned in haste to have himself cared for, leaving a fire and some food to the little Savage, who could not follow him. This child, being afraid to be left alone, as we conjecture, coming to the torrent which falls at the Sault de Montmorency, tried to pass it; but, as it is very rapid, he was drowned. Oh what grief this accident caused us! For this poor little child was very docile, and gave us great hopes of some day succoring his compatriots by his good example. His purity consoles us and we hope he will not be less effective in heaven than he would have been upon earth. I [211] greatly feared that the Savages would reproach us for this death; and, in fact, some of them spoke to me about it. But when they were told how it happened, and learned of the promptness with which we went after him; when they saw that we even offered them beautiful presents if they would find him, alive or dead, they were pacified. It is true that I followed their custom in defending myself against them; for as they abuse those who speak to them of their dead, I chided them when they opened their mouths about this, saying they revived my grief, that I loved him like a brother; this made them keep still, saying to each other, " Speak [page 221] of it no more, for thou makest him sad; dost thou not see that he loved him? " Now to prove that education alone is lacking to the Savages, this child, who had been only one year in France, fulfilled his duties here so well that he made himself greatly loved by our French. Our Lord had blessed him, especially since his Baptism, with three or four good qualities quite the opposite of those great defects of the Savages. He was neither a liar, nor a scold, nor a glutton, nor lazy. These are the four [212] vices which seem to be born in these People, who are lazy and dissolute to the last degree. Now this poor little boy had just the opposite perfections. I do not know of a single Frenchman who knew him who did not love him, and who did not show great regret at his death. He confessed with so much candor, and showed so much grief at his lightest offenses, that it was very evident he took them to heart. He was very fond of praying to God and attended Mass quite early every morning. But if, on account of some occupation, he did not hear it at the usual hour, and if meanwhile he was somewhere offered his breakfast, he would not touch it until he had taken part in this holy Sacrifice. If a little Savage did something unseemly in his presence, he was ashamed of him, and said, " He is not yet baptized; he has no sense. " We have learned that the wicked Apostate, seeing that we loved him for his docility, very often urged him to leave us, even going so far as to strike and whip him two or three times on this account; but this good little fellow would not obey him. He fully appreciated the coarseness and cruelty of his Nation, and held it in horror. [213] He one day showed me the place where his mother died, and [page 223] told me that, as soon as she expired, the Savages killed a little brother of his, perhaps to save it from the suffering it would have to endure after the death of its mother; they would have done the same to him if he had not already been quite large. We had named him Fortuné before his baptism. Monsieur de Champlain gave him the name Bonaventure when he was made a Christian, and certainly, funes ceciderunt ei in præclaris. His case makes us hope that there will not be found in these wildernesses a nature so ferocious that our Lord may not tame it by his grace when it shall please him.

On the fourth of June, came from the Hurons a young Frenchman, who had gone with some Algonquins, at the beginning of the winter, for the purpose of learning their language. They took him by land, or rather by snow, up to the country of the Hurons, a daring and very difficult enterprise. Our Fathers there were surprised indeed, and very much pleased, to see him at so unusual a time. They wrote us, upon his return, that they had baptized nearly sixty Savages since [214] the vow we all made on the day of the Conception of the holy Virgin, and that the Fathers we sent to them last year had arrived in good health, by the grace of our Lord, who is daily smoothing away the greatest difficulties in this journey. These Algonquins went there to solicit the Hurons to enter with them into a war against the Hiroquois.

On the twenty-eighth of the same month, Monsieur du Plessis Bochart, Commandant of the fleet, came up to Kébec, and rejoiced us greatly by his presence. We thanked him for his usual courtesy toward us, and for the kindness he showed our Fathers [page 225] who crossed in his Ship, Father Ragueneau[40] and our Brother Louis Gobert being in his Bark.

On the first of July, Father Chastellain and Father Garnier embarked to go and await the Hurons at the Residence of the Conception, at the three Rivers. Monsieur our Governor escorted them to the banks of the great River, with matchless courtesy and affection, having three cannon shots fired as a salute at their departure. This great [215] God, who gives us the hearts and the love of so many worthy people, constrains us, by the same means, to a holy and true gratitude.

On the second of the same month, Father Jogues[41] and Father du Marché came to add to our great joy, which we felt all the more deeply, as our Lord had brought them both to us in good health. I pray that his goodness may give us all the strength necessary to faithfully carry out his holy will in promoting the salvation of our French and of our Savages.

This same day, the Captain of the Tadoussac Savages, being at Kébec with a squad of his people, who were going to war, desired to hold a council with Monsieur the Governor and with Monsieur the Commandant; in a word, with the French. The Captain of the Kébec Savages took part in it; the assembly was held at the storehouse of the Gentlemen of the. Company, where I also was present, by command of Monsieur the Governor. All being seated, the French on one side and the Savages on the other, the Tadoussac Captain began to make a speech. He was dressed in the [216] French fashion, with a very handsome coat under a scarlet cloak. Wishing to speak, he took off his hat and made a very polite bow in the French way, then directing his words to [page 227] the Captains, especially to Monsieur du Plessis, whom he called his younger brother, "You see," he said, " that I am a Frenchman; thou knowest, my brother, that my Nation regards me as one; it is believed that I have the good fortune to be loved by the Captains, and that I am their relation. As for me, you know that I have a French heart, I have always loved you; ought I to doubt that it is reciprocated? Tell me, I pray you, if I can count upon your friendship, as you can be assured of mine?" When this was said, he paused for an answer. Being assured that he had our love, he continued: " My countrymen urge me very strongly to show some evidence of the credit I have among you; they believe that you love me, but they would like to see it put into practice; what word shall I carry them, up there, where I am going to see them? You know it is the peculiar privilege of friends to succor in time of need those whom they love; the help that you will give us in our wars will be the true proof of your [217] friendship; your refusal will cover my face with confusion." The above is very nearly the speech of this Barbarian, who astonished Monsieur our Governor. The other Captain, beginning to speak, said: " When the weather is bad, we go into our houses, we put on our robes, we close our doors to defend ourselves from the injurious effects of the air. We are now in a time of very troublesome war; we have not enough strength to place ourselves under cover from our enemies; we seek shelter from you, do not refuse it. Your friend conjures you to do this; if you do not lend him your hand, you will see him disappear in the conflict against his enemies ; you will seek him with your eyes and with your lips, [page 229] demanding, 'Where is such a one, who loved us so much, and whom we loved?' Learning of his disaster, you will be sad, and your heart will say to you, 'If we had succored him, our eyes would have taken pleasure in looking at him and our heart in loving him; but lo, we are in bitter grief.' Now it depends only upon you to avoid such anguish, and to give yourselves the pleasure of seeing him return from the combat full of life and glory." I add nothing to the discourse of this Savage; he touched upon all [218] these arguments and several others, that he reasoned out very gravely in his own language. A hoary-headed old man talked afterwards, after the fashion of the aged. These simple people had had a bundle of Beaver skins thrown at the feet of our Captains, according to their custom of making presents when they wish to obtain something. It was, in reference to these that the old man began. " When we visit the Tribes which are our neighbors and allies, we make them presents, which speak while we keep silence. Those who receive these presents address themselves to their young men, apostrophizing them in this way: 'Courage, young men, show your generosity; behold these fine robes, which await you upon your return from the combat; remember those who have made these gifts, kill many of their enemies.' This is a good custom, you ought to observe it as well as we," said this simple old man. From this we took the text of our answer, saying that if they should fill the house with Beavers, we would not undertake the war for the sake of their presents; that we helped our friends, not in the hope of any reward, but for the sake Of [219] their friendship. That, besides, we had not brought any men for them, [page 231] not knowing that they were carrying on war; that those whom they saw with us did not all bear arms; and those that did bear them were not satisfied because the Savages were not yet allied with the French by any marriage; and that it could easily be seen that they did not care to be one People with us, giving their children here and there to their allied Nations, and not to the French. The Captain of Tadoussac replied that the way to make a strong alliance was to show our courage and our good will. " For," said he, " when your young men return from the war after the massacre of our enemies, they will not have any trouble in obtaining our girls in marriage. As to children," said he, " one does not see anything else but little Savages in the houses of the French; there are little boys there and little girls,—what more do you want? I believe that some of these days you will be asking for our wives. You are continually asking us for our children, and you do not give yours; I do not know any family among us which keeps a [220] Frenchman with it." Monsieur the Governor, upon hearing this answer, said to me, " I do not know what a Roman Senator could have answered that would have been more appropriate to the subject under discussion." I replied that in France our Savages were represented as far more obtuse than they are. But let us finish with this assembly. They were answered that the deceased Monsieur de Champlain, of happy memory, had helped them in war, and that even then they had not allied themselves with us; they were given to understand that we desired their children only for instruction and that we might be some day one People with them; that we were under no necessity to burden ourselves with [page 233] them; that if we did not give ours to them, it was because they asked great recompense, although they had nothing for them to eat; but that we maintained and instructed theirs for nothing. This truth silenced them. As to whatever concerned the war, the answer was that we could not give to them either a large or a small number of French. As to giving them a large number, they could see that the thing could not be done, as the ships would not consent to be [221] stripped of their men; as to giving them a few, our Frenchmen did not wish to go with them, " Because," say they, " the Savages cannot obey nor stand firm in war,—at the first whim that takes them, flying off like birds;" so that our Frenchmen also, being few in number, would have to take to flight, which would make them greatly ashamed, for deserters are ridiculed among us. Brave soldiers, such as we have here, wish to conquer or die. They were satisfied with these arguments, and thus the council ended.

On the ninth of the same month of July, I entered a bark to go and meet the Hurons, who were not coming down as far as Kébec. We had to be at the rendezvous, to obtain passage for our Fathers who were going there, and to answer the letters of those who are there. We had not advanced far, when an adverse wind stopped us in the middle of the great River; and as I have already often found, by experience, that our Ships are not as safe nor as swift, if the wind is not fair, as the little bark Canoes of the Savages, I had suggested to some of those who were going up to the three Rivers to come alongside [222] our Bark and take me up in passing. This they did not fail to do, and I took my place among them. There were twelve Canoes and about thirty or forty [page 235] people, mostly young men who were going to war; they surrounded me on all sides, and begged me to accompany them to the country of the Hiroquois; I began to laugh, and to talk to them about other things. About three or four o'clock in the afternoon, as they were tired of paddling against a rather violent wind, they all landed; each one took his Boat and laid it down near the woods which we entered for the purpose of preparing our house, and of making a fire, or rather some smoke, to drive away the mosquitoes. Our hostelry was soon made, for they broke off a few ends from the branches of trees, and threw them upon the ground, and lo, our palace was ready. I threw over these a wretched skin, to distinguish my chamber and my bed from the others. When we go into the country, French and Savages, Religious and others, we have no other beds than some wretched skins, no other tent than the sky, unless it rains; during the rain, we cover ourselves [223] as best we can; the Savages have for this purpose very light and convenient pieces of bark. Having withdrawn to say my prayers, a Captain came after me, and, drawing me still further to one side, said, " Thou hast often given us to understand that, if he who has made all does not favor us, the worst will happen to us; what must I do to make him aid us? " I saw very clearly that he was speaking for himself, and that he did not have the courage to propose to his men the counsel he would receive-. So I told him that God was greatly pleased to have one believe and trust in him; and that consequently he must believe, from this moment, that God alone could help him; that he must ask him for help, and promise him that, in case he should return safe and sound, he would openly express his [page 237] belief in his Name. I advised him, if he found himself surrounded by his enemies, or if his life was in danger, to remember to ask deliverance of him, so that he might have an opportunity to be baptized. He promised me he would do so. In the twilight, the more prominent ones among them accosted me, and began to talk about our ways of doing things. They said that when I prayed God they [224] greatly approved of it, as well as of what I told them; and hence, that I must also approve of their customs, and I must believe in their ways of doing things; that one of their number was going to pray in their way, soon, and that I should listen patiently. I saw at once that they were preparing a little tent, in order to consult the Manitou, or some Spirit; I asked them if they believed that the Manitou or Demons would come into this little tower, and if it was not the Sorcerer who was shaking this house or tent; they protested that it was not he. Thereupon I made them an offer. " When this tent is shaking," I said to them, " allow me to enter it; and if, after I, have seized the two hands of the juggler, you still see his tent shaking, I promise that I will give you a keg of peas as soon as we reach the three Rivers." Give us a Cask of bread," said the young fellows. Very well; let the juggler enter." But the older ones did not wish to accept this proposition; and, as it was already quite dark, the Captain cried out, " Go to sleep, young men, [225] and note carefully what you dream; conceal nothing of what you shall see in your dreams." Thereupon all go to sleep, and I throw myself upon my pallet and do as the others do. About midnight, I heard three or four men singing and howling in the woods-, I arose, but these singers soon afterward [page 239] became silent. It was the Charlatan who was trying to have his consultation. Now I do not know whether he heard me; be that as it may, he went out from his tent, without accomplishing anything, saying that the Manitou would not come. The next morning having discovered some Beaver tracks, and having found some wood suitable for making shields, they wished to pass the day there; this annoyed me greatly, for I desired to offer the holy Sacrifice of the Mass on the following day, which was Sunday, hoping we would reach the three Rivers. I prayed them, I urged them; no change. They asked me if I was a child, that I should be cast down, saying that I would be still farther away, if I had remained in the Bark; finally, having told them that I wished upon the following day to pray to the one who can do all things, and that I would pray for them that he would aid them in [226] their combats, they allowed the one who took me in his Canoe to depart, and they themselves embarked soon after. Bad weather caused us to remain at a standstill, six leagues from the three Rivers. In the evening, before any one went to sleep, the Captain cried out, " Keep your arms ready, O young men; let each one have his javelin, his hatchet, and his knife near him while asleep." They were beginning to fear ambushes from their enemies. Toward midnight there fell a heavy shower of rain upon those who were not under shelter; I rolled myself like a ball, under the skin which served me as mattress, and which I made serve as a covering; and beneath this, as happy as under a gilded roof, I received over a cask of water without getting very wet. The next day, when the Dawn begins to appear, I waken my people; I urge them all I can, and, addressing [page 241] myself to my host, I promise him that if we reach the three Rivers before noon, I will make him a fine present; but I also assure him that, if we arrive later, he will have only the half of it. "Dost thou not see," he replied, " that I cannot slip away from my company? " I had just [227] applied to a Canoe in which there was a young man who had the falling sickness [epilepsy], and who was taken with it before my eyes, a little while before we reëmbarked; this alarmed me, for, if the attack had seized him in the middle of the river, it would have resulted in upsetting both us and the Canoe, and we would have been lost; I did not wish, however, to change boats for the little distance that remained. At last we arrived so as to have time enough to offer to God the holy sacrifice of the Altar. Nearing the three Rivers, our Canoes were brought together in a body, and our Fathers, seeing them come from afar, and thinking I might be in the crowd, came to meet me; my Savages, seeing them, said to me, " Behold thy Brothers, who come to receive thee." I stepped on shore, then; and as we were saluting each other, embracing as a sign of affection, my crowd of Savages begin to utter a loud cry from the depths of their chests, all showing by this joyful cry that they approved these marks of affection and of deference, which we were bestowing upon each other. Father Buteux and Father Chastelain [228] were the first two; I joined them, and we walked along the strand, while my Savages paddled slowly, in fine order, along the shores of the River, not advancing any more than we. Later, encountering Father Quentin and Father Garnier, who had come at the first sound, and saluting them as we did the others, these poor Barbarians [page 243] all redoubled their cries of joy, thus giving us a second time evidence of their affection. The next day we made a feast for them, which, according to their custom, they readily accepted; this word " feast " is among them wonderfully agreeable; it is by this that one wins them.

On the fifteenth of the same month, Monsieur the Commandant arrived at the three Rivers in his Bark. On the same day there arrived seven Hurons in a Canoe, who brought us letters from Father Breboeuf which caused us great rejoicing, for we had been almost sure that the Hurons would not come down this year, on account of the great rumors of war which were heard in all the Nations through which they must pass.

On the eighteenth, Monsieur the Commandant departed from the three Rivers, to go up [229] to the river of the Hiroquois, where he was awaited by the Savages to the number of two or three hundred, to talk about their wars; he told me that he went there also to reconcile them, as they had some dissensions among themselves; and, in fact, one of the Montagnés Captains had come to throw himself under his protection. " There is no one left but thou and Father le Jeune," said he, " who loves me; my Allies are banded against me; the Algonquins wish to kill me and to ruin the Country." He was suspected, but wrongly, of having received presents from the Hiroquois, and of having betrayed la Grenoüille ["the Frog"] and the others who had been massacred. They had the same opinion of another, whom they wished also to slaughter. Monsieur du Plessis settled all that, as we shall soon see.

On the twenty-first of the same month of July, [page 245] Chastelain and Father Garnier embarked, the happiest men in the world, to go to the Hurons. This affair seemed so easy of accomplishment that we almost suspected something was wrong. The affairs of God are generally crossed in the beginning, but they do not fail to produce results. These seven Hurons who, as I [230] said, arrived on the fifteenth of this month, when leaving their Country did not intend to come so far as the Frenchmen, but only to go up to the Island to see if their Nation would have a free passage; for it was rumored that these Island Savages, the naughtiest of all these Tribes, were using threats. All was made right by the Hurons, who sent back two of their men to give notice that the river was free, and meanwhile they descended to the three Rivers. Now as one of these seven was Captain of the Village where our Fathers are, with the Hurons, and as he had last year taken Father le Mercier, and had shown a great deal of interest in us, he asked if none of our Fathers were going to his Country, saying that he would gladly take one of them, provided they would give him a Canoe, for there were seven in the one they had. They immediately found for him a Montagnés Canoe, much smaller than those of the Hurons; having seen it, he was satisfied. The affair being concluded, they gave presents to him and to those who were embarking with him; they were well pleased, and Father Chastelain still more so at seeing himself destined to depart with this Chief. Those who were [231] in the other Canoe, seeing there was still another Father to embark, came to tell us that it was not necessary to separate him from his Companion, and that they would be very glad to have him with them in their [page 247] little bark Ship. See how the times are changed! In past years we had to go and come, to interpose the authority of everybody and the affection of many, to find a place for one of our Fathers among these Barbarians; and this year the first seven who have come down have themselves asked for them. There was given to the two chiefs and governors of these two Canoes, each a blanket,—to the others each a cloak,—a keg of peas, some bread, and some prunes; this is for the maintenance of our Fathers, and of their Savages, who had not made any caches on their journey down, and all this is for twenty or thirty days, over roads that make one shudder to hear about. May our Lord give them his holy benediction.

On the last day of this month, Monsieur the General returned to the three Rivers, and here are the particulars of his voyage. Having found the Savages assembled at the River of the Hiroquois, he spoke to them of the [232] quarrels that existed among them, and had some presents given to them to make them more easily swallow, as one may say, their grievances. In a word, he restored peace among them; and, that he might ever accustom their ears to hear our belief spoken of, he told them that, if they loved the French, they should love and listen to those whom the French cherish, and to whom they open their ears; that they must give them their children for instruction; he spoke of us,—adding that the great Captain who had recently come to Kébec had been instructed in our schools, that he himself had been taught by us; and that, if they wished us all to be but one People, they must begin there. To all this they answered, hô! hô! hô! according to their custom when they approve a speech. [page 249]

When they parted, these Barbarians went off in search of some poor wretched Hiroquois; for the greater part of their wars consists in ambushes, lying in wait for each other as one would for a Wild Boar. Meanwhile Monsieur the Commandant [233] goes up higher, continuing as far as the River of the Prairies.[42] Upon his return he described these places to us as a terrestrial Paradise. The land there, he says, is better, the trees more flourishing, the meadows abundant, the beauty of the Country ravishing; the fish enormous in quantity, in quality, and in size. There indeed are riches, collected in one place; but the Mosquitoes are the little dragons that guard these beautiful golden apples, which cannot be had without difficulty, any more than the other gifts of the earth.

On the thirteenth day of August, there arrived a Canoe from the Country of the Hurons which had encountered Father Garnier and Father Chastelain at the petite Nation of the Algonquins. The Fathers wrote me these few words upon the leaf of a tablet, for lack of paper: The bearers of this will tell you, better than we can, the name of the place where they met us, we are in good health, thank God; we are gliding along swiftly in our bark gondolas; we are flying to this so-desired Paradise with an increase of courage that God has given us. Kionché shows at least as good treatment to Father Garnier, as Aenons does to Father Chastelain; they have managed our [234] provisions well, we have still a little bread. The rest I could not read.

On the tenth of the same month, the Captain of Tadoussac returned with his company from the war. He told us that they had found an abandoned Cabin where perhaps three hundred Hiroquois had slept; that part of their troop were still pursuing them,—[page 251] many having turned their faces about, he being of this number, on account of some dispute which had arisen among them. The next clay, the news came that the rest of the army was returning, and that some of the enemy had been put to death. Finally, on the thirteenth, a party of these warriors appeared in their Canoe; they bore in the form of Guidons the scalps of those whom they had killed, for it is their custom to tear the skin, with all the hair, from the head of him whom they slay. These scalps are great trophies. One sees them with moustaches waving, each on the end of a long pole that they raise in the air, as if they were banners. The women ran hurriedly at the sight of these palms and these laurels, dropped their clothes, and leaped in to swim after these garlands. [235] There was a struggle among them as to which should catch one to hang it in their Cabins, is a token of the warriors' generosity. Some one came and told us of this barbarity; we went to the Cabins, and, as I was examining these scalps, the women who had captured them began to boast of it; but they were greatly surprised when they heard the reproaches we heaped upon them for their vanity. Now to express in two words the result of this war, some hundred Savages and more having disbanded, the rest followed up their purpose. They went off into the neighborhood of one of their enemy's settlements, and, encountering one or two poor wretches, they seized them, and promised to spare their lives if they revealed in what place their compatriots might be found. These showed them a river not far distant, where some men had gone, partly to fish and partly for the purpose of making stout snares of bark, suitable for catching Deer. There were also several[page 253] women who were gathering the hemp of the country, that is, nettles, of which they make very strong ropes. These Barbarians immediately run thither, and throw themselves [236] upon these poor people, like wolves upon their prey. Now cries are heard from all sides; some flee, others defend themselves; the women scream, and try to escape; in short, they take and kill in all twenty-eight persons, according to their story, as many men as women and children, there being more women than children. They brought alive three men, a young woman, and a young girl. The Savages who live above the three Rivers had as their share two men and the girl, those here had one man and the young woman. They would have brought back more of them, but, as they were afraid of being pursued by their enemies, they killed on the way those who did not walk fast enough. They say that this young woman, seeing them kill those who could not keep up, was at the head of the whole troop, enduring the fatigue better than a man. For imagine that they were several days without anything at all to eat, flying in breathless haste in rainy and disagreeable weather. No house of retreat was to be found there where they could dry themselves; he who wets them, dries them, as the saying is. This poor woman did not say a [237] word, being apparently without fear in the midst of these Wolves. She had a modest face, but so bold an eye that I took her for a man. It is true that the Barbarians do not usually harm the women or the children, except in their sudden attacks. Indeed, many a young man will not hesitate to even marry a prisoner, if she is very industrious; and thereafter she will pass as a woman of his country. As to the men, they do not receive [page 255] the same treatment; it is cruelty itself which martyrs them. As soon as the one who had been brought to the three Rivers had set foot upon land, the women and children fell upon him, each one trying to see which could strike the hardest blows. Meanwhile the prisoner sings, and continues on his way without turning around to see who strikes him. A wretched cripple, seeing him entirely naked, took a heavy doubled rope, and lashed this poor body, upon the back, upon the stomach, and upon the chest, so that he staggered and was about to fall, his flesh becoming quite livid and dead. Others put fire in his mouth, others thrust firebrands at him from different directions, to roast him; then he was given a little respite, [238] and was made to sing and dance; a woman came and bit into his finger, trying to tear it off, as a dog would do; not being successful, she finally took a knife and cut it off, then put it in his mouth, to make him swallow it; he tried to do so, but could not. Having restored it to this Tigress, she roasted it, to give it to some children to eat, who continued to suck it for some time. One of our soldiers coming along, asked them for it, but these children were reluctant to give it up; then he snatched it, and threw it into the river, in abhorrence of these cruelties. Another time two young men took this poor wretch by his two arms, and bit into them as greedily as rabid Wolves, shaking him as an angry dog shakes a carcass to get a piece off. As soon as I learned that these insane acts were being committed at our door and before the eyes of our French people, I went down to the Cabins, and reproached these tormentors severely and emphatically, threatening that the French would no longer love them. And, in [page 257] fact, it would be well to make a note of all those who perpetrate these outrages, and to exclude them from the houses of all the French; that would restrain them. The men [239] did not answer me, holding down their heads, ashamed and confused. Some of the women told me that the Hiroquois did still worse things to their fathers, husbands, and children, asking me if I loved such a wicked Nation. I replied that I did not love them, but that they could kill this wretch without treating him with such cruelty. In a word, I gave them to understand that, if their enemies had no intelligence, they should not imitate them; that it was no sign of courage and generosity to beat and bite a man who was bound; that among themselves the most valiant did not engage in these cruel acts; and, turning toward those whom I considered the most humane, I said, " These are they who pursue the Hiroquois, who kill them in the heat of combat, who capture them, who bind them, and who lead them away,—while the cowards who remain at the Cabin fireside devour them like dogs." They began to laugh, and admitted that they would not willingly practice such butchery. There was, however, a strange Captain called la Perdrix ["the Partridge"][43] who, I was told, became angry after hearing me say this, asserting that, [240] if the prisoner had belonged to him, he would have driven me out of his Cabin. I am quite sure he would not have done so; for I would be careful not to speak to the Algonquins, especially to those of the Island, as I speak to our Montagnés. I permitted myself to say that when Monsieur de Champlain went to help them in their wars, and saw one of them treat roughly a woman prisoner, or a child, he tried to make them [page 259] understand that such barbarity was foreign to the kindness natural to man. An Island Savage, upon hearing this, said to him, " See what I shall do, now that thou speakest of it; " and he took by the foot a nursing child, and struck its head against a rock or a tree. If those proud spirits spoke thus to a Captain who had arms within reach, what would they do to a man who has nothing but his voice? I know full well that great discretion must be used with these Tribes, who will not submit to any yoke. I also know well that they have some reason, or rather excuse, for treating their enemies in this way; for, when the Hiroquois get hold of them, they are still more rabid. But I know [241] well, also, that, if one never commences a thing, he will never finish it. I pay no attention to those who think they have said all when they have represented to you that it is their custom, that you must let them go on, and that nothing will be gained. They are mistaken. We are not the only ones who can see at a glance that a great deal has been achieved within a certain time among a good part of these Barbarians; if it were only that we have gained the hardihood and authority to reprimand them when they commit these great wrongs, that is always some advantage. The first year we came here, if I had known the Language to perfection, I would not have dared to assume over them the ascendency which I can take now with my stammerings, for they would have soon imposed silence upon me. But when I daily see men crying with hunger at our doors, whom we are constantly favoring and who have no other support than our Frenchmen, it seems to me that, in return for the help they receive from our hands, we can exact from them some courtesy. [page 261] Of course, when we reprimand them we must never threaten them [242] with any violence, for this would be to lose all; therefore I generally tell them that, if they are going to be stubborn about their customs, we will hold fast to ours -, that, if they do not care enough for us to give up some of their acts of cruelty for our sake, we will certainly not do them any harm, but we will not cherish them to the extent of taking the morsel from our own mouths to assist them in their needs; that we will observe very carefully those who perpetrate any public indecency, or who take part in these outrages and insane acts, so that we may close our doors against them and open them to those among them who are good. Would to God that all our French people would do the same. Our -neighboring Savages depend greatly upon us; if we all should agree to exclude without doing them any harm, those who commit acts so at variance with reason and nature, we would soon see a change among them. Besides, they know I love them, and that is why they are not willing to offend me. Not that some of them do not still sneer and laugh at what we say to them; [243] but this is nothing in comparison with the insults I formerly had to swallow. And, after all, I cannot say that one finds more internal resistance in a Christian enchained by the bad habits of his life than in a Savage, however barbarous he may be. To conclude this subject, the Captain whom I particularly chided,—for the prisoner belonged to him, having been given to him in exchange for a brother of his, who had been killed by the Hiroquois,—this Captain, I say, having come to see me the next day, I explained to him that he ought to take all I had said to him as a mark of my affection for him; that I was [page 263] heartily sorry that he, who professed to love the French, should permit to be done in their presence deeds that they hated like death; that our soldiers, upon returning to France, would say to our countrymen that these Peoples here are dogs, and that they have sprung from dogs;—and that I, who love them, would be annoyed at such statements. I told him that my friendship could not be doubted,—that he himself had said to Monsieur the Commandant that there was no one now that loved him but he and 1; that I had prayed that great Captain to take him under [244] his protection, in opposition to those who wished to kill him; that the Captain had made presents in his behalf, to settle their quarrels; that he was well aware that I had helped him in his time of need. I reminded him that he had always been assisted by the French; that he wished to spend the winter in Kébec, where I expected to be, near the great Captain of all the French Captains who are in their country; that this Captain is a gentle and humane man; that he is not fond of blood nor of carnage, unless in the fury of war. " We sometimes grant you what you ask of us; grant us also what we ask of you, so that we may come to be, little by little, only one and the same People." He admitted that I was right, and that he would always love his friend Monsieur our Governor,—begging me to succor him in his need, which would become greater and greater as age interdicted him from war and the chase.

On the fourteenth of the same month of August, the Savages came in a body to see Monsieur the Commandant, to present to him the young Hiroquois woman. The one who had captured her, seeing that all were seated on one side or the other, arose and [page 265] harangued in this [245] fashion: " Listen, Frenchmen, I am going to chide you, for what else could be done by a great beast like me, who has the boldness to speak in the presence of Captains? If I were Captain, I would have the right to speak; I am only a dog, yet I must speak, and have a friendly quarrel with you. Our Fathers and our old Captains loved each other; they are dead now; we love each other, both French and Savages; we love each other, yes, we love each other; therefore it would have been very fitting to see some of your young men with us in the war; but as that failed us, we have done as well as we could. Here is a young female prisoner whom we present to you, to take the place of one of the three Frenchmen who was killed quite near here, some time ago. I still see the deep red blood that accuses the cruelty of our enemies and of yours; this present will conceal a part of it; it is a little thing, but it is all we have, the rest having been killed; if we had been helped, we would have done more, but we were deserted on all sides." This was about the substance of [246] his discourse, which was finished with the exclamation, hô, hô, hô, which all his companions drew from the pit of their stomachs. This done, they presented the unfortunate young woman, who appeared this time very sad, and, lowering her eyes, seemed to me to shed some tears. She was asked, however, if she was not glad to be given to so gallant a Captain, who would be very fond of her, and who would place her with his Sister. She showed that she was well satisfied at this; but she was greatly cheered afterward when they told her that the French were very honorable, and that they would do her no harm; that in crossing over to [page 267] France she would be accompanied by some girls of this country; she smiled gratefully at this news, which was very agreeable to her. Two days later, I had a Savage tell her that if any person, among so many as she would encounter in the fleet which was going to France, tried to offer her any insults, she should inform the Captain, Monsieur the commandant, or else one of my Brothers who was going across. She replied that she was now of their Nation; that she did not fear they would do her [247] any harm; that, if she were commanded to marry, she would obey; but that no one, except he to whom she had been given, should approach her. I begged the Gentlemen of the Company, to whom she was to be presented, to lodge her with the Hospital Nuns who were coming over to New France, to learn in their house to know God and to nurse the sick, so that they might bring her with them, if she succeeded. But let us return to our orator. Monsieur the Commandant made known to him that he would cherish this present for the sake of the hand of his friends, whence it proceeded, and not for the Country from which it had come, which he hated like death; that, besides, they themselves could see clearly that if the French had followed them they would have deserted them, when the quarrels arose among themselves; and that, if we ever did go to war, we would go strong and powerful, and not return until we had destroyed entire villages. They received this answer with pleasure, begging that, as a sign of mutual rejoicing and love, some of our young people should dance to the sound of a hurdy-gurdy, that a little Frenchman held. This was granted [248] them, to their great satisfaction. [page 269]

On the fifteenth of the same month, the day dedicated to the glorious Assumption of the holy Virgin, some Canoes which were going down to Kébec,—for .all this took place at the three Rivers,—brought the prisoner, to put him to death there. I will mention further on the particulars of his death,. if they send them to me, or if I hear them, since I go down there soon; for I am writing now, from day to day, what I think deserves a stroke of the pen.

This same day there arrived a Canoe of Hurons, which greatly pleased Monsieur the Commandant, as he had resolved to depart in five days, if he had not received the news they brought,- the season being very unfavorable to navigation toward the end of Autumn. This Canoe was sent on ahead by Father Daniel, who, having learned from our Fathers, whom he encountered on the way, that Monsieur the Commandant would not undertake to return at the end of the season, sent to him, with a great deal of trouble, this Courier from about one hundred and fifty leagues .above the three Rivers, to assure him that the Hurons were coming down. This is how he writes me. I am staying at the Island, waiting for the [249] main part of the band, composed equally of Hurons and Nipisiriniens. The Savages of this place have already sent back thirteen Canoes of Hurons, forbidding them to go to the French; but their Captain, called Taratouan, having learned that I was coming down, held firm until my arrival; for as he had de .parted before we did from the Huron country, so we reached the Island after he did. Then he told me that the inhabitants of this Island forbade them to pass; when I asked him the reason for this, he answered that he had heard nothing except that the body of a recently-deceased .Captain—it was le Borgne[44] of the Island—had not yet [page 271] been “cached;” you know what that means, and therefore that to go on ahead would be merely scattering fire to augment their grief and to irritate anew the young men, who are very angry and mutinous. I told him that he must pluck up courage, that I would speak to the Captain here. In fact, I did see him and he received me well, thank God. Their pro ,position was that they should take us Frenchmen on to you, but that the Hurons should turn back. Now I had resolved not to proceed, unless the Hurons did; I had already promised them this, and they were greatly pleased over it. These difficulties show them that it is important for us to remain in their Country, which they [250] know very well. I begged the Captain to consent to my sending a Canoe on ahead, to give notice of our coming; it is the one which brings you these letters. I met our Fathers on the third of August, three days journey above the Island; both wore their shoes in the Canoe and were not paddling, which made me think they were being well treated; this caused me to do something for their men which I had not yet wished to do for my own, which was to make them a present of an herb that they adore and that we do not care for, namely, Tobacco, which is very high-priced this year. I would willingly give up ten times as much of it at the Island, and see you so much the sooner, together with my young Hurons; I shall spare nothing to accomplish it. This is a matter of the greatest importance. Of the twelve children who promised to follow me with the consent of their parents, I have only three with me, one of whom is the grandson of a very great Captain,—I am very hopeful about getting some larger ones, if you wish them; we shall see them together when I have the pleasure of meeting you; the little ones had some trouble in leaving their mothers to make a journey of three hundred leagues. I am writing to Monsieur du Plessis that there are few Canoes, but that [page 273] they carry a great amount of merchandise. I commend the bearers to you, that my promises, [251] if there are means of doing so, may be fulfilled; this is of importance. These are the contents, and here is the date of his Letter. From the Island, this seventh of August, by the glimmer of a piece of burning bark, which forms the candies and the torches of this Country.

I think I have said before that this Island, which I mention here, is in the great River saint Lawrence, about one hundred and fifty leagues above the three Rivers, and that the Savages who inhabit it are very haughty. The Hurons, and the French who are now staying in their country, wishing to come down here, pass first through the lands of the Nipisiriniens, and then come alongside this Island, the inhabitants of which every year cause them some trouble. These Islanders would prefer that the Hurons should not come to the French nor the French go to the Hurons, so that they themselves may carry away all the trade; for this reason, they have done all they could to block the way; but, as they fear the French, those who accompany the Hurons make the journey easier for them. It is strange that although the Hurons may be ten against [252] one Islander, yet they will not pass by if a single inhabitant of the Island objects to it, so strictly do they guard the laws of the Country. This portal is usually opened by means of presents, sometimes greater and sometimes smaller, according to the emergency. They ought to be very rich this year; for, a Captain of the Island having died this Spring, and their tears being not yet dried, no strange Nation can pass by there without making them some gift, to make them more easily swallow, as they say, the grief occasioned by the death of their Chief. [page 275] When he who has passed away has been raised from the dead,—that is, when his name has been given to another, and presents have been offered to his relatives,—then it is said that the body is "cached," or rather, that the dead is resuscitated; and then only the usual tribute is paid when one passes over the highways and boundaries of these Islanders.

Since I have told this, for the better understanding of this Letter, I will explain what made Father Daniel conclude that Father Garnier and Father Chastelain were being well treated by their hosts, since they wore shoes, and [253] were not paddling. It was this,—that, when one goes with these Barbarians, he must be very careful not to carry the least dirt or sand into their Canoes; for this reason, the Fathers go into them barefooted; whether it is cold or warm, they must do this, unless they encounter some good Savages who let them follow their own custom. Moreover, he who would sail with them must know how to handle the paddle; and, as it is hard work, especially at first, when one is not accustomed to it, we give to every Canoe in which any of our Fathers embark a large sheet which serves as sail, to relieve them from this work; but, although these Barbarians may be told that this sail is the Fathers' paddle, that they do not wield any others, they do not fail sometimes to make them take one of wood, which has to be well worked, to satisfy them. As for the children the Father mentions, it is a Providence of God that he is not bringing as many of them as he hoped to, for we have neither houses at Kébec in which to lodge them, nor food to nourish them, nor stuff with which to comfortably clothe them, as we would desire and [254] as is fitting in these beginnings, [page 277] especially as we already have some others to maintain. We still have hopes of half a dozen. God, who feeds the birds of the air, will not abandon them; he has begun the work, he will know well how to make it succeed.

On the eighteenth of the same month, sieur Godefroy, a young man of light and agile body, beat one of the Hurons in a race, before the eyes of four or five Nations, upon a wager that a Montagnés had made for him; at which the Hurons were greatly astonished, for they look upon us as turtles in comparison with all the Savages.

On the nineteenth of the same mouth of August a part of the main body of the Hurons arrived. As soon as we saw their Canoes appear upon the great River, we descended from the Fort to receive Father Daniel and Father Davost, and a few of our French, whom we were expecting; Monsieur the Commandant himself was there. Father Daniel was in this first company, Father Davost in the rear guard, which did not yet appear; and we even began to doubt whether [255] the Island Savages had not made them return. At the sight of Father Daniel, our hearts melted; his face was gay and happy, but greatly emaciated; he was barefooted, had a paddle in his hand, and was clad in a wretched cassock, his Breviary suspended to his neck, his shirt rotting on his back. He saluted our Captains and our French people; then we embraced him, and, having led him to our little room, after having blessed and adored our Lord, he related to us in what condition was the cause of Christianity among the Hurons, delivering to me the Letters and the Relation sent from that Country, which constrained us to sing a Te Deum, as a thanksgiving for the blessings [page 279] that God was pouring out upon this New Church. I shall not speak of the difficulties of his voyage, all that has been already told; it was enough for him that he baptized a poor wretch they were leading to his death, to sweeten all his trials.

I heard from him that Louys de saincte Foy,[45] before leaving to go to the war, held this conversation with his father, as he learned from the father himself: " My father, since you wish to be a Christian, [256] and to go down there to the French, I beg you to understand well why you wish Baptism, and do not mingle therein any worldly considerations; do it to honor God and for the salvation of your soul, and not in the expectation of deriving some benefit or some favor from the French. You already have enough Porcelain necklaces; I have still some, that I leave you. All is yours, do not seek anything more; we shall be rich enough, if we believe in God and if we obey him. When you are down there with the French, do not go idling from Cabin to Cabin, do not go into the houses of the French, playing the nuisance or the beggar; visit Monsieur de Champlain often, and do not go far away from the Fathers. " These are the counsels that the son gave to the father; he realized that he was fond of gambling and of worldly wealth; for this reason, when he saw that our Fathers talked of baptizing his parent, owing to his earnest entreaties, he begged them not to be too hasty, as he wished to see a better preparation in his father for a Sacrament of so great importance. Now, our Hurons having arrived, they held their councils, [257] and made some presents to cause our French to dry their tears, and more easily swallow the bitterness they experienced at the death of the late Monsieur [page 281] de Champlain,—also, to confirm the friendship formed long ago between them and us. Father Daniel was present at this council and tells me that Monsieur the Commandant gave great satisfaction to these Savages by his answers. After these councils they began to trade, or to sell their merchandise; and, when this was done, they held another meeting with our French, and, as the first meetings were on their own account, this one was held for the business of the French. Now, having certain things to represent to them, I prayed Monsieur the Commandant to hear what I had to say, which he was kind enough to do. I wished particularly to speak about obtaining their children, and beginning a Seminary, as a matter of the greatest importance to the salvation of these Nations, and to the success of the Gentlemen of the Company; for their children will be as so many hostages to us for the safety of the French who are among them, and for the strengthening of our commercial relations. Monsieur the Commandant had already conceived this idea, [258] and hence he spared no pains to accomplish it. He said, and allowed us to say, upon this subject whatever judgment could suggest. Here it must be remarked that our Fathers had prepared twelve very nice little boys of the Country, who were quite satisfied to come down here. Father Daniel came to train and instruct them, as he already possessed a very fair knowledge of their language. But when they were about to depart, the mothers, and above all the grandmothers, would not allow their children to go away for a distance of three hundred leagues, and to live with Strangers, quite different from them in their habits and customs. Some embarked, however; but, when [page 283] they arrived, the fathers of these children drew back and sought a thousand excuses. Poor Father Daniel went hither and thither, coaxed some, made presents to others, and yet after all he saw himself almost a master without pupils, a shepherd without sheep. A single young man, grandson of a Captain, remained steadfast, never yielding in his determination to follow him. Thereupon a council was held, where all assembled. Monsieur the Commandant [259] presented his gifts, in consideration of the love they bear us, and of their visits,—also, to rest their arms from the labor they had in paddling so far to come to see us; and to induce them to continue their kindness and their affection toward the Fathers and toward all the French who are in their Country; in short, to encourage them to come early next year. The Interpreter, who is acquainted with the way of doing things in this Country, made the announcements after their fashion. " Here," said he, " is a present to grease your arms and to limber them, to relax them from the work they have had on the way. Here is another to fasten a rope to your Canoes, to pull them down here early next year." Soon after these presents were made, Monsieur the Commandant told them that he had still some points of importance to communicate to them.

Then he had them asked if they loved us as much as we loved them; they answered that they really did. " Then why do you not show your friendship? You give Beaver robes to the French, and they give you hatchets and other goods,—[260] all this is called trafficking; these are not the evidences of the real love that I seek, but to visit and to help one another, to go into each other's country, to [page 285] ally ourselves together like the fingers of the hand,—these are acts of friendship; that is what we are doing, we are going into your country, we are sending our Fathers there, our Teachers, those whom we hold most dear, those who show us the way to Heaven; and not one of you will live with our French. Why do you not trust as much in us as we do in you? Why then is there only one Village among the Hurons that loves us? We show in this respect our friendship toward you, why do you not do likewise? " I had seated the young man who remained faithful to us between Father Daniel and myself; Monsieur the Commandant, caressing him, said in a loud voice that he loved him as his own brother, that he should want for nothing; that, to make those of his Village understand how great was our regard for him, he would make them a present; that, for himself, he could not prepare a feast for those who had come, as he was in great haste to return, but that this young man should make one [261] in his stead,—that he would give him something with which to entertain them; that, furthermore, if they wished next year to give us an evidence of their affection, they should bring down some children to live with the French. He had them told also that they were always in a state of alarm in their country, that they were very anxious to have some French to defend them, and that this was in their power; for, if they were willing to give twenty little Hurons, they would get in return twenty Frenchmen, and that we had good reason for speaking as we did. To all this they replied that, first, this matter must be talked over in their country. Father Daniel interrupted them, and said that Father Brebeuf had spoken of it in la Rochelle, [page 287] one of their Villages; that, with this in view, he had offered them some presents, and they had accepted them; and that now they had failed to keep their word. Secondly, they said that there was great danger in coming down here, on account of the incursions of their enemies. They were asked if there was any more danger in their coming to see us, than in our going to their country. They said that the children were dependent upon their parents, that the way was rough and wearisome, that the [262] mothers had tender hearts. We replied to them that our mothers loved us, and that we sent up yonder children that were not less loved by their parents than the little Hurons were by theirs; that there was no hesitation about letting them take this long journey as a mark of our love for them; and that they should imitate, us in this respect, if they wished to cultivate our friendship. We saw clearly that these poor people we're convinced; that they were forcibly impressed by these considerations, and that they were perplexed. At last an old man, taking up the word, said that they would leave this young man on trial, as it were,—that we should treat him well, and that upon his report the following year would depend our having their children. His excuse was accepted, and it was made clear to them that if their hearts were kindly disposed towards us, they would show us as much affection as had that Village whence Satouta, the young man' who remained, had come. Thereupon they went away; but they were not gone very far when some of the chief men of a certain Village held a consultation among themselves, which the Captain began [263] by saying that they ought to be ashamed to show less affection for the French than [page 289] did the Nation of the Bear, to which Satouta belonged; that we were good and courteous, and that there was no danger in remaining with us. And then, turning toward his nephew, he said, " My nephew, you must remain with the French; be courageous, do not fear, for they will love you. And you, so and so," speaking to another, " you must keep him company. How now, have we no love? Are we men? Have we no hearts, not to love so good a nation? Be faithful, remain with them, and act with discretion." These two young men readily agreed to this, and straightway one of their relations came to inform Father Daniel of it. We went to impart the news to Monsieur the Commandant, who could hardly express his joy, so glad was he, showing the Savage who brought the news a thousand kindnesses. As it was already night, they waited until the next day to bring us these two young boys. The father of one of them made him a fine speech, saying, “My son, be [264] firm, do not weaken in thy resolution; thou art going with good people, thou wilt want for nothing with them; take nothing without the leave of Antoine (this is what they call Father Antoine Daniel), do not associate with the Montagnés, but only with the French; above all, obey those who wear the black gowns, with whom thou art to live; if thou takest Deer in the chase, give away the flesh and keep the skin; do not go into Canoes with the French, lest, by not understanding each other, you may take offense at something. Keep up thy courage until the coming year, when I shall see thee." We made some presents to their relations and invited them to a feast before our departure. Thereupon one came to ask Father Daniel, on the part of the Captain and of the inhabitants of la Rochelle, if we had less affection for that Village [page 291] than for the others. Why then did we not give them some French people to embark? We replied that, if they wanted some, they should have them; and as Father Brebeuf had asked me for several Fathers that he might prepare them up there for the harvest, I gave them Father Isaac Jogues. Father Daniel made them some presents, that they might take him and treat him kindly, [265] and behold them the happiest people in the world. Now as time was pressing Monsieur the Commandant, and as he was suffering from poor health, he wished to depart. While we were finishing up some business, as we had not yet taken our Seminarists, they came and asked us if we were not going to let them embark with us, so great was their desire to do so. They were taken and conducted to the Shallop, and it was pleasant to see their kinsmen apostrophizing them and recommending them to be of good cheer, and not to take anything while among us, saying that it was not the custom with us to steal; in short, they did this with such an appearance of love that all our French were comforted by it. Then we entered the Bark, the anchor was weighed, the cannon of the Fort, the swivel guns and other pieces of artillery of the Bark were fired off as a salute, and lo, we were under sail. Let us pause a little.

So now, by the grace of God, we have begun a Huron Seminary. If you like you can have two more; another one for the Hurons and other [266] neighboring Tribes in the same territory as the Hurons, where more than five hundred children could be educated if we had people and means enough. The third will be among the Montagnés; I have already said that nothing more is wanting now but a [page 293] place to lodge and maintain their children. If the Gentlemen of the Company continue, as we hope they will do, to send us persons who will use the authority they give them for the service of God, all will go well, and New France will some day imitate the piety of her elder sister. I have already said that Monsieur our Governor shows as much zeal as possible. Monsieur the Commandant of the fleet returns with this glory in the sight of God, never to have neglected anything for his glory here.

The day after our departure from the three Rivers we arrived at Kébec. Our Hurons, who are strong and active youths, Father Daniel and I, having saluted our Governor, withdrew to Nostre Dame des Anges, where I found Father Nicolas Adam[46] stricken with paralysis, which deprived him almost entirely of the use of his feet and hands; this is the [267] result of a fever which seized him a few days after his arrival. There is talk of sending him back for the recovery of his health, but he says that he came here to give his life to our Lord and to the souls that he has redeemed; that he is ready to obey, but that the sentiments of his heart would be not to retreat, and to go to Heaven from the summit of the Cross where God has placed him. So we will retain him; his example will be edifying to us, and his patience will procure new blessings upon these wildernesses.

I remember saying above that, on the fifteenth of this month, the Hiroquois prisoner was brought down to Kébec, to be put to death there by the Savages. Here are the details of his torture as related to me by Father de Quen. As soon, said. he, as this poor [page 295] victim stepped ashore, the women seized him and led him to their Cabins; there he was made to dance. Meanwhile a Fury appeared, armed with a whip of knotted cords, with which she rained blows upon him around his arms, with as much rage as she had strength; another struck him upon the chest, the stomach, and the belly, with a great stone; and a [268] third gashed his shoulders with a knife and made the blood flow in streams. A little while afterwards a Savage, as dry and fleshless as a skeleton, having been sick for several months, regained his strength at the sight of this wretch, jumped upon his neck, caught him by the ear like a dog, greedily bit it off, and placed it in his mouth; the prisoner took it without being disconcerted, chewed it a while, and, not being able to swallow it, spit it into the fire. See what a reception they gave him. After this, he was granted a little respite, and was regaled with the best food there was in the Cabin. And, what seems incredible, this man seemed to be as greatly pleased as if he had received news of his liberty. Toward evening they dragged him, bound with ropes, from Cabin to Cabin, while an infuriated woman whipped him to the music of a song. It is said that they perpetrated another act of cruelty upon him which would make this paper blush. When Monsieur the Governor was informed of all this, he made known to them that he was dissatisfied with these outrages, and that they should go somewhere else, not to wound the eyes of our French people by these acts of barbarity, [269] to our eyes intolerable. This caused them to restrain their mad rage; they then crossed over the great river and strangled their victim [page 297], whom they roasted at the fire and then gave to the dogs, throwing the bones into the river. To such a point can the rage and fury of souls which know not God attain. The men or women who indulge most fiercely in these acts of cruelty are those whose fathers or husbands or nearest relatives have been treated with equal fury in the country of their enemies; it is the recollection of the death of their kindred that fills their hearts with this madness.

As I am writing this, on the twenty-eighth of August, Father Buteux sends me word of the departure of Father Jogues, and of the arrival of another band of Hurons from whom sieur Nicolet has obtained three young boys, upon the report made by their companions of the good treatment that Monsieur the Commandant and all the other French people have shown them. I finish, praying Our Lord to be a foster Father to the souls and bodies of those he sends us in addition to the ones we have. [270] The coming winter, we are going to dismiss a part of our men on account of the scarcity of food; for to refuse this Heavenly blessing by sending away part of our Savages, this we will never do,- we would rather give them the half of ourselves; the matter is too important for the glory of Our Lord. May he be blessed forever through time and through eternity.

We are here to clear this little corner in the vineyard of the great Head of the family. At present there are twenty-six of us,-twenty Priests and six of our lay Brothers ; they stay in the following places, beginning with the most distant: In the residence of saint Joseph, among the Hurons, Reverend Father Jean Brebeuf, Superior of that Mission; Father [page 299] François Mercier, Father Pierre Pijart, Father Pierre Chastelain, Father Charles Garnier, and Father Isaac Jogues.

In the residence of the Conception, at the three Rivers, Father Jacques Buteux and Father Charles du Marché; they are building at that Residence, and we will send there another Father when they shall have a lodging for him.

[271] In the Residence of Nostre Dame de Recouvrance at Kébec, Father Jean de Quen and I. We are building here also, for the Seminary and the College. As soon as there shall be a place for them, I shall send for some Fathers; meanwhile Father de Quen will teach the French Pupils and I the Savage ones,- and with all this we shall have to help our French people, who already form quite a little Parish, and to study the Montagnés language.

In the Residence of Nostre Dame des Anges, Reverend Father Charles Lallemant, Superior of that House, Father Nicolas Adam, Father Enemond Massé, Father Anne Denouë, Father Antoine Daniel, Father Ambroise Davost; our Brothers Gilbert Burel, Pierre le Telier, Jean Liegeois, Pierre Feaute, Ambroise Cauvet and Louys Gobert.

In the Residence of Miskou, Father Claude Quentin, if he has succeeded in reaching there, and Father Charles Turgis.

In the Residence of Ste. Anne at Cap-Breton, Father Daudemare[47] and Father André Richard. God knows with how much ardor we all implore, both for ourselves and for [272] these poor Peoples, the help of the prayers of Your Reverence and of all our Fathers and Brothers. I desire ,it in my own behalf [page 301] with all my heart, as one who will sign himself in the name of all, what he is in fact

Your very humble and very

obedient servant in our

Lord,

Paul le Jeune.

I have jotted this Relation down hastily, now in one place, now in another; sometimes upon the water, sometimes upon the land. I finally conclude it in the Residence of nostre Dame des Anges, near Kébec in New France, this 28th of August, 1636. [page 303]

[1] (p. 15).—Madame Hebout: this was Marie Hubou, whose first husband was Louis Hébert (see vol. v., note 13).

[2] (p. 29).—Le Jenne gives (in Relation of 1634) a long account of the persecutions he endured at the hands of this man.

[3] (p. 33).—Jacques Hertel, a native of Normandy, came to Canada in 1615. He was long employed by Champlain as an interpreter, and, upon the capture of Quebec, took refuge with the savages. In 1633 he obtained a grant of land at Three Rivers, where he was the first settler (see vol. iv., note 24); and two other estates there were granted him by Montmagny, Aug. 18, 1636. Five years later he was married to Marie Marguerie; their son François was ennobled by Louis XIV. He died at Three Rivers, Aug. 10, 1651.—See Sulte's Can.-Français, vols. i., ii.

[4] (p. 33).—Sieur Godefroy: probably the "Sieur Jean Paul" mentioned in the next chapter. This was Jean Paul Godefroy (Godfroy), who came to Canada at an early date, and served as interpreter and trading clerk; he returned to France with Champlain in 1629, but his name appears at Three Rivers in 1636, as a clerk there. In 1644, he accompanied Pierre Le Gardeur to France, delegated by the Canadian colonists (see vol. viii., note 57). In the following year, he was commander of a ship, and during 1648–50 was admiral of the fleet Oct. 3, 1646, he married Marie Madeleine, daughter of Le Gardeur; he had by her two daughters, one of whom became an Ursuline nun. In 1650, he formed a commercial association with Tilly, Buissot, Lespiné, and others, for seal-fishing at Tadoussac and fur-trading with the Indians. In June, 1651, he went with the Jesuit Druillettes on an embassy to the New England authorities, to carry on the negotiations begun in 1647, relative to commerce and to the formation of an alliance, offensive and defensive, against the Iroquois. This proposal, however, was refused by the colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts. Godefroy was elected a member of the Quebec council, in 1648; he was apparently a prominent colonist, and active in developing the commerce and resources of the country. He was a relative of the noted Jean Godefroy de Linctot. [page 305] The date of his death is not recorded. He is mentioned several times in Jour. des Jésuites; see also Sulte's Can.-Français, vols. ii., iii.

[5] (p. 33).—For sketch of M. de Gand, see vol. vii., note 22.

[6] (p. 43).—Sulte says (Can.-Français, vol. i., p. 82) that in the register of Three Rivers appears, early in 1636, the name of Jean Rousseau, a Parisian; he died there in 1643 (July 2I), killed by the discharge of a gun.

[7] (p. 51).—M. de Lisle (L'Isle), a chevalier of the knights of Malta, was the lieutenant of Montmagny, and commanded at Three Rivers in the summer of 1636. He was a man of great piety, and is frequently mentioned in the Relations, from 1636 to 1641. as a friend of the missionaries, and as participating in various religious ceremonies.

For a sketch of Montmagny, see vol. viii., note 50.

Sulte says (Can.-Français, vol. ii., P. 81); "A gentleman named St. Jean, who had come in 1635, if not earlier, accompanied Montmagny on his official journeys;" he appears to have remained in Canada until 1641.

Concerning Chastellain and Garnier, see vol. viii., notes 51. 52. Details of the baptism at which the former officiated upon first arriving in Canada are given in Le Jeune's Introduction to this Relation (see vol. viii., P. 219). Chastellain's Christian name is given in Jour. des Jésuites as Guillaume Pierre.

[8] (p. 59).—Robert Hache, a Jesuit donné, who lived in the mission at Three Rivers, is named in the register of that town during the years 1636–40. Lalemant also mentions him in a letter to the provincial in 1634 (see vol. vi., p. 55). Hache was at Sillery in 1645, and, in the year after, made a journey to France. He is occasionally mentioned in the Jour. des Jésuites,—the last time (Sept. 12, 1659), under the following significant entry: "Item, as for Robert Hache, it was decided that he should go away, or come to an understanding with the other donnés."

[9] (p. 59).—For a sketch of the chief, Capitanal, see vol. viii., note 67.

[10] (p. 59).—The register of Three Rivers mentions, in 1637, the name of M. de la Treille, clerk.

[11] (p. 59).—For a sketch of Du Marché. see vol. viii., note 19.

[12] (p. 63).—This was Guillaume Hébert, eldest child and only son of Louis Hébert (see vol. ii., note 80) and Marie Rollet. Guillaume married, Oct. 1, 1634, Hélène Desportes, then aged fourteen; he died five years later, leaving three children.

[13] (p. 65).—Mademoiselle: in olden times, the appellation given to every married lady who was not noble, or who, though noble. [page 306] bore no title,—the designation "madame" being reserved exclusively for the wives of those on whom knighthood had been conferred.

[14](p. 65).—Jacques Castillon, a bourgeois of Paris, and one of the Hundred Associates; the Isle of Orleans was granted him Jan. 15, 1636, as the representative of a company of eight persons—Lauson, Cheffault, and others.

[15] (p. 65).— For a sketch of Daniel, see vol. v., note 53; concerning the Petite Nation, note 56 in same volume.

[16] (p. 69).—"The apostate" was Pierre Antoine (see volume v., note 33); regarding his brothers, see Le Jeune's account of his winter sojourn with them (Relation of 1634, vol. vii. of this series).

[17] (p. 83).—Manitousiouekhi: see vol. v., note 43.

[18] (p. 95).—This Oumastikoueiau (Onmasaticoueie) was an Algonkin chief of unusual shrewdness and ability; it was he who endeavored, in the summer of 1635, to incite strife between the Montagnais and Hurons—in order, as Le Jenne thought, to divert the Huron trade from the French. The latter mentions this Indian several times; in July, 1633, his son was baptized by Brébeuf; and in 1636 he was slain by the Iroquois.

[19] (p. 99).—Le Jenne here refers to Madame de Combalet's scheme for a hospital at Quebec (see vol. viii., note 62).

[20] (p. 115).—The Attikamègues were a Montagnais tribe, dwelling on the upper St. Maurice River, by which stream they descended to Three Rivers for trade (though not until 1637, when the French fort there insured them some protection from the Iroquois). The missionaries found them docile and receptive, and made numerous converts among them. It was during one of Buteux's journeys to visit this tribe that he was slain by the Iroquois, who often made hostile incursions even thus far north of the St. Lawrence. Letters from the Huron missionaries were often sent to Three Rivers and Quebec by the Attikamégues, who traded with the Hurons, as a safer though more circuitous despatch than that by the Ottawa River, which was especially infested by the Iroquois. The Attikamègues, though a timid people, at times valiantly resisted their enemies; but by 1661, they had been practically destroyed by the Iroquois, and their ruin was completed, a few years later, by the ravages of the smallpox.

Vimont says (Relation of 1641, chap. vii.) that the appellation of this tribe was derived from the Montagnais name of a certain white fish, of excellent quality, which abounded in the rivers and lakes of that region (probably the " whitefish," now found in the Great Lakes, Coregonus, of the Salmonidæ).

[21](p. 117).—Rivière des Iroquois: the Sorel or Richelieu River (see vol. i., note 67). [page 307]

Savages of the Island: the tribe that inhabited Allumettes Island (see vol. v., note 57). Traces of its early occupants are still found on this island.

[22] (p. 121).—See Le Jeune's account of the spirits or progenitors of the seasons, vol. vi., p. 161.

[23] (p. 123).—Like the Hebrews, the North American aborigines regarded a woman in her periodical illness as unclean, defiling all that she touched; but the latter race also cherished a superstitious belief that her look, or touch, or even the sight of her, had a malign influence -inducing disease, causing ill-luck in hunting or war, and bringing misfortune. In consequence, seclusion at this period was imposed by custom upon the woman, who must dwell apart from her family, in a small hut or wigwam constructed for this purpose (cf. Biard's statement, vol. iii., p.105). This superstition still exists among many tribes. Schoolcraft mentions it, and a custom resulting therefrom—that a woman in this condition, and naked, makes the circuit of the cornfields at night, to destroy blight, vermin, and noxious insects.

A Menomonee legend given by Hoffman (Bur. of Ethnol. Rep., I892–93, p. 175) relates that Mánäbush (Manabozho, or Michabou, "the Great Hare") once threw a clot of bear's blood at his grandmother, hitting her on the abdomen; whence originated menstruation. An Omaha version of this story is mentioned by Dorsey, who gives the following account of the periodical seclusion of women among that tribe: "The Omaha woman reckons pregnancy from the last time that she 'dwelt alone.' Among the Omahas and Ponkas, the woman makes a different fire for four days, dwelling in a small lodge apart from the rest of the household, even in cold weather. She cooks and eats alone, telling no one of her sickness, not even her husband. Grown people do not fear her, but children are caused to fear the odor that she is said to give forth. If any eat with her, they become sick in the chest, and very lean; and their lips become parched in a circle about two inches in diameter. Their blood grows black; children vomit. On the fourth or fifth day, she bathes herself, and washes her dishes, etc.; then she can return to the household. Another woman who is similarly affected can stay with her in the small lodge, if she knows the circumstances. During this period, the men will neither lie nor eat with the woman, and they will not use the same dish, bowl, and spoon." The Omaha name for this illness indicates their superstitious notions regarding it,—Wakándatathica," pertaining to Wakanda the Great Spirit ").—See Bur. of Ethnol. Rep., 1881–82, pp. 263, 267.

The same custom of seclusion obtains among many tribes, in connection with childbirth. MacCauley says (Bur. of Ethnol. Rep., [page 308] 1883–84, p. 497) that a Seminole woman, just before childbirth, builds a small lodge, not far from the main house of the family, and goes there for her confinement. Boas and Murdoch describe a similar custom among different tribes of the Eskimos; a small hut or snow house is built for the mother, in which she spends the time of her delivery and recovery. Murdoch was told by one of these natives that a sore on the latter's face was caused by drinking from a cup that had been used by a woman who had recently had a miscarriage.—See Bur. of Ethnol. Rep., 1884–85, p. 610; and 1887–88, p. 415.

[24] (p. 125).—A sketch of Jean Nicolet is given in vol. viii., note 29.

[25] (p. 131).—The toise is a French linear measure, of six (French) feet, equal to 1.949 metres. Littré cites Thaumassière's Coutume de Berry (16th century), thus: "We use in this country two toises—one, the carpenter's toise, of 5½ feet; the other, the mason's toise of 6 feet, with which is measured the square toise." Wurtele's Tables for Reducing Measures (Montreal, 1861) makes the toise equivalent to 6.395 English feet.

[26] (p. 135).—The early settlement of Acadia by the French is related at length by Lescarbot and Biard in vols. i.-iii. of this series. A sketch of the first English settlement there is given in vol. iv., note 46. After the restoration of New France by England (1632), Acadia was governed by Isaac de Razilly until his death in 1635. Upon that event, his authority mainly devolved upon his lieutenants, D'Aulnay and La Tour; while another of his officers, Nicolas Denys, sieur de Fronsac, remained in possession of Cape Breton and other islands, with the coasts of the Gulf of St. Lawrence.

Denys established flourishing settlements at Ste. Anne's, Chedabouctou (now Guysboro'), and St. Peter's (on the isthmus now cut by a ship canal), also at Miscou (see vol. vii., note 19); and carried on an extensive trade in fish, lumber, and other products of the country. After his return to France (about 1671), he wrote an interesting account of the territory he had occupied in America,—Description Géographique et Historique de l'Amérique Septentrionale (Paris, 1672). Bourinot gives (Cape Breton, pp. 139-141) a bibliography of Denys's work, and translates his description of Cape Breton.

[27] (p. 135).—See sketch of De Razilly in vol. viii., note 2. As governor of Acadia. he established his official residence at La Hève (see vol. i., note 42). He erected fortifications there, brought over colonists, cultivated grain and fruit, established fisheries, and ruled the province with energy, judgment, and foresight. Williamson (Maine, vol. i., p. 263) relates this instance of his generosity towards the English: "Afterwards the French treated the colonists with [page 309] more forbearance and kindness. A crew of Connecticut mariners, for instance, being wrecked on the Isle of Sables, received from them many testimonies of humanity, and were even transported to La Hève, the residence of Razilla; from which place, he gave four of them a passage to France, and furnished the others with a shallop to convey themselves home. These generous acts were in the last days of his life—happily monumental of his worth and clemency.

[28] (p. 141).—Diane: the drumbeat which is sounded at daybreak. This appellation is, according to Littré, derived from the Italian stella diana ( "the morning star"), originally from Latin dies; it has been used as above since the 16th century.

[29] (p. 143).—De Repentigny and La Poterie are sketched in vol. viii., notes 57, 58.

[30] (p. 145).—Chevalet: an instrument of torture, "a sort of wooden horse, with a sharp back, on which soldiers who had committed disorders were placed, with cannon balls attached to their feet " (Littré).

[31] (p. 145).—Champlain had strictly forbidden any traffic with the Indians in intoxicating liquors (see vol. vi., note 19). Cf. pp. 203–207 of this volume.

[32] (p. 149).—Plans for the establishment of a college at Quebec had been made by Rene de Rohault and his father (see vol. vi., note 9), as early as 1626; but the hostilities between England and France, and the capture of Quebec, hindered the execution of their design. Le Jenne, however, was able to carry it out later—having received from the Marquis de Gamache, in 1635, a large sum of money, and from the Company of New France (Mar. 18, 1637) twelve arpents of land, for this purpose. The history of this college is related at length by Rochemonteix (Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 205–230).

[33] (p. 165).—The terms vache sauvage, bœuf sauvage, and sometimes even buffe and buffle, were applied by the early French writers alike to the buffalo, the moose, and the elk,—whence has arisen much confusion in regard to the former habitat of the buffalo. But examination of the fossil remains of this animal, and of the statements of early writers, both English and French, indicates at least the strong probability that the buffalo was not found east of Hudson's Bay and the Great Lakes, or the Alleghanies. Boucher, in his Hist. verit. et nat. (reprinted, with numerous annotations by Sulte, in Canad. Roy. Soc. Proc., 1896), chap. v., makes (1663) a definite statement on this point: " As for the animals called Bufles, they are only found in the country of the Outaouais, some four or five hundred leagues from Quebec, towards the West and North." The subject is exhaustively discussed in Allen's valuable monograph, [page 310] History of the American Bison," published in U. S. Geol. and Geogr. Survey of the Territories, Ninth Ann. Rep., 1875 (Washington, 1877), pp. 443-587.

Le Jenne doubtless refers in the text to either the elk or the moose (see vol. ii., note 34).

[34] (p. 169).—L'Isle Percé (now called Percé Rock) is situated on the eastern coast of Gaspé, opposite the village of Percé, and 36 miles from the town of Gaspé Basin. It lies at the foot of Mt. Joly, from which it has evidently been separated (like Cape Forillon—see vol. iii., note 45) by the action, through many centuries, of waves and ice. This rocky islet is 288 feet high, I200 feet long, and about 70 feet wide; its sides are boldly precipitous, and within it. cut by the waters, are three great arches, from which it derives its name—the central one large enough to allow the easy passage of a boat under sail. Vast numbers of sea fowl resort here every summer, to rear their young. Percé is noted for its grand and romantic scenery, and as the location of the most extensive cod fishery in Quebec province.

Bonaventure is a small island opposite Percé, 2½ miles long, and ¾ of a mile wide; it forms a natural breakwater between Percé and the Gulf. It contains about 50 families. A river of the same name empties into the Bay of Chaleurs.

[35] (p. 169).—Concerning white whales, see vol. v., note 6.

[36] (p. 183).—For citations on the connection of the Jesuits with the fur trade, see vol. i., note 31; vol. iii., note 33.

[37] (p. 191).—This cape was named by Champlain. In his voyage of 1609 (Laverdière's ed., p. 294), he says: " Coasting the shore from the Isle aux Couldres, we made a headland, which we named cap de Tourmente, five leagues away; and we named it thus because, however little wind may blow, the sea rises there as if it were high tide. At this place, the water begins to be fresh." this point is, however, eight leagues from Isle aux Coûdres, instead of five, and is ten leagues below Québec. It is a lofty, steep promontory, rising to the height of 1,900 feet above the fertile meadows at its base (whence the name Beaupré).

Champlain, in 1626, sent to this place the cattle of the colony, with a few men to care for them, erecting buildings for their use; and every week he made a trip thither to inspect the establishment and provide for its needs. This settlement was destroyed by Kirk in 1628, at which time it was in charge of Nicholas Pivert, who had with him his wife and niece, besides the men who took care of the cattle. Upon the return of the French, a few colonists settled at Beaupré, attracted by its great natural advantages -a little stream which furnished a good landing-place, abundant and diversified [page 311] forests, and excellent pasturage, admirably adapting it for stock-raising. Jan. 15, 1636, the Company of New France granted to Antoine Cheffault, one of its members, the seigniory known as Côte de Beaupré—having six leagues of river frontage, and embracing all of the present Montmorency county, and more. Flourishing settlements soon arose in this region—among them, one at Ste. Anne, where was laid (March, 1658) the corner stone of a church, named Ste. Anne de Petit. Cap. The Jesuit missionaries frequently visited these colonies, to minister to their spiritual needs.

[38] (p. 209).—See sketch of Chasteau-fort in vol. viii., note 53.

[39] (p. 213).—Teston (teste, "head"): an old French silver coin, stamped with the likeness of the king. It was worth, under Francis I., ten sous and a few deniers; under Louis XIII., its value had gradually risen to 19½ sous; its use was then discontinued.

The English shilling of Henry VIII. was called "testoon"—a name adopted from that of the above French coin; it was in use during 1544-48.

[40] (p. 227).—Paul Ragueneau, born in Paris, Mar. 18, 1608, became a Jesuit novice Aug. 21, 1626. His studies were pursued at Clermont and Bourges; he was also an instructor in the latter institution during 1628–32, among his pupils being "the great Conde" (vol. viii., note 13). He came to Canada June 28, 1636, and labored in the Huron mission until its close-except during the year 1640—41; in the spring of the latter year, he, with Nicolet, held an ineffectual conference with the hostile Iroquois near Three Rivers (vol. viii., note 29). He was named by the Hurons Aondecheté.

Ragueneau was superior of the Huron mission from early in 1645 until its destruction in 1649 and superior of all the Canadian missions from 1650 to 1653. In June, 1657, Ragueneau and Joseph Du Peron undertook the mission to the Onondagas (for sketch of this tribe, see vol. viii., note 34); but they found these savages bitterly hostile to the French, and, learning that the former had planned to murder them, all the French (March 1658), secretly fled for their lives, and escaped in safety, arriving at Quebec April 23.

Returning to France in August, 1662, Ragueneau became agent in that country for the Canadian mission, and died at Paris, Sept. 3, 1680. As superior, he wrote the Relations of the Huron mission, during 1645–49, and edited the general Relations for the years 1649–53; he was also editor of the Jour. des Jésuites from Nov. 1, 1650 to Aug. 15, 1653. After his return to France. he wrote Vie de Mère Catherine de St. Augustin, a Hospital nun at Quebec (published at Paris, 1671). Sommervogel also cites a MS., Mémoires touchant les vertus des Pères de Noüe, Jogues, Daniel, etc. (4to, pp. 314), as collected from different sources by Ragueneau, in 1652,—"to [page 312] be used in a plea for beatification,"—each memoir bearing at the end his signed and sworn attestation.

François Ragueneau, a brother of Paul, was born at Blois, Jan. 14, 1597, and entered the Jesuit novitiate Apr. 16, 1614. In 1628, be went to Canada with Charles Lalemant, on Roquemont's expedition; but they were captured by Kirk (vol. iv., notes 20, 46), and the Jesuits were obliged to return to France. François was rector of Bourges, and died there Apr. 10, 1665. A MS. written by him is cited by Sommervogel as in the archives of Ste. Geneviève, Paris—Annuæ, litteræ, Missionis Canadensis Societatis Jesu, 1663–64 (dated Feb. 1, 1665).

No information is available concerning the lay brother Louis Gobert. Some writers seem to consider this name as a mere error for that of Ambroise Cauvet; but both these names are mentioned by Le Jeune in the text (p. 301).

[41] (p. 227).—Isaac Jogues was born at Orleans, France, Jan. 10, 1607. At the age of ten, he became a student in the Jesuit college just established at Orleans, and a novice in that order Oct. 24, 1624, at Rouen, where he was under the care of Louis Lalemant, a relative of the missionaries of that name. His studies were pursued at Rouen, La Flèche, and Clermont; and he was ordained as a priest, early in 1636. In April of that year, he departed for Canada, in company with Chastellain, Garnier, Adam, Du Marché, Ragueneau, and the lay brother Ambroise Cauvet (vol. viii., note 56); they came with the fleet that escorted Montmagny, Champlain's successor. Jogues went immediately to the Huron mission, and there labored six years—mainly at Ste. Marie-on-the-Wye. During this time, he, with Garnier (vol. viii., note 52), made an unsuccessful attempt to found a mission among the Tobacco tribe (vol.v., note 18). In September, 1641, Jogues, with Charles Raymbault, made an expedition to Sault Ste. Marie, to visit the Chippewas there, and obtain information concerning that region. In June, 1642, they descended to Quebec, with a company of Hurons, to obtain supplies for their mission. On the return journey, an ambushed band of Iroquois attacked the party, 31 miles above Three Rivers, and captured Jogues, the donnés René Goupil and Guillaume Couture, and several Huron converts. The captives were taken to the Mohawk villages, where they were cruelly tortured, and some burned alive; Goupil was murdered, soon after; while Jogues and Couture were given to Indian families as slaves. In August, 1643, Jogues contrived to escape by the aid of the Dutch commandant at Rensselaerswyck (also called Fort orange; now Albany), and of Jan Megapolensis, a Protestant "dominie;" and on Nov. 5 he left New Amsterdam (New York) on a Dutch vessel,—arriving, after many hardships and dangers, at the Jesuit college in Rennes, Jan. 5, 1644. [page 313]

In the following spring, he returned to the Canadian mission, and was stationed at Montreal. For three years past, the Iroquois had been especially hostile and dangerous, and their incursions constantly harassed the French, and so terrified the Hurons and Algonkins that they no longer dared come down the St. Lawrence for trade. July 5, 1644, a Mohawk embassy came to Three Rivers, to negotiate a treaty of peace; they brought Couture, and restored him to the French. The treaty was concluded, after many delays; but it was not ratified until May, 1646, when Jogues and Jean Bourdon were sent to the Mohawks by Montmagny, for this purpose. Their commission was safely executed, and they returned to Quebec. In the following September, Jogues was again sent to the Mohawk country, by his superiors, to spend the winter there; but the savages had renewed their hostility to the French, and, capturing Jogues not far from Fort Richelieu (on the Sorel), they took him as a prisoner, with his companion Jean de la Lande, to the Mohawk town of Ossernenon (now Auriesville, N. Y.). A council of the tribe decided to set the prisoners at liberty; but they were treacherously assassinated (Oct. 18, 1646) by some fanatical members of the Bear clan of Mohawks (vol. viii., note 34). Information of this cruel murder was sent to Montmagny by Wilhelm Kieft, then governor of New Netherlands.—See Martin's Le R. P. Isaac Jogues (Paris, 1873); English translation by Shea, under the title, Life of Father Isaac Jogues (N.Y., 1885).

Jogues wrote an account of the life and death of René Goupil; and a description of the Dutch colonies on the Hudson, under the title Novum Belgium (to be reproduced in this series). These are translated by Shea, in Life of Jogues (ut supra).

[42] (p. 251).—The name Rivière des Prairies (vol. viii., note 25) was restricted to the south branch of the Ottawa at an early date, as may be seen by the description of the original seigniory of Terre-bonne, which was granted Dec. 23, 1673, to Daulier Deslandes—"two leagues frontage upon the Rivière Jésus, formerly called Rivière des Prairies." This later name was evidently transferred from the Isle Jésus (at first known, during a few years, as Isle Montmagny). In the autumn of 1672, this island was granted to Sieur Berthelot, a royal councilor and State officer of France; and the Rivière des Prairies to Jean Baptiste Le Gardeur, a grandson of Pierre (vol. viii., note 57), whose wife was Marguerite Nicolet (vol. viii., note 29).

[43] (p. 259).—La Perdrix: a chief of the Island tribe (vol. viii., note 22).

[44] (p. 271).—Apparently the second of the chiefs known to the French by the appellation "Le Borgne" (vol. viii., note 30). [page 314]

[45] (p. 281).—Louis de Saincte Foy (vol. v., note 20) returned to his own nation, and rendered valuable aid to the missionaries in the Huron country.—See Brébeuf's frequent mention of him in the Relation of 1635, and in this Relation, post.

[46] (p. 295).—See sketch of Nicolas Adam in vol. viii., note 55.

[47] (p. 301).—Georges d'Eudemare (according to Rochemonteix; Daudemare, in the text; Dendemare, in Jour. des Jésuites; and D'Endemare, in Quebec edition of the Relations) had apparently joined Richard at the Ste.,,Anne (Cape Breton) mission about 1635; but he is not mentioned elsewhere in the Relations. According to Jour. des Jésuites, he was at Quebec in 1645, having returned from the abandoned Fort Richelieu (built in 1642 by Montmagny, as a defense against the Iroquois, at the mouth of the Richelieu or Sorel River); he is also mentioned several times in the journal, as taking part in important consultations at the headquarters of the mission in Quebec, and (May, 1648) as present at negotiations with the Iroquois, at Montreal. [page 315]

Editor	Reuben Gold Thwaites

Translators.	\| Finlow Alexander [French]
	\| Percy Favor Bicknell [French]
	\| John Cutler Covert [French]
	\| William Frederic Giese [Latin]
	\| Crawford Lindsay [French]
	\| Mary Sifton Pepper [French & Italian]
	\| William Price [French]
	\| Hiram Allen Sober [French]
	\| John Dorsey Wolcott [Latin]

Assistant Editor	Emma Helen Blair

Bibliographical Adviser	Victor Hugo Paltsits

Electronic Transcription	Thom Mentrak

CONTENTS OF VOL. IX

Preface to Volume IX		1
Document—
XXVI.	Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Novvelle France, en l'année 1636. [Chapters iii.-xi., completing Part 1. of the document.] Paul leJeune; Kébec, August 28, 1636	5
Notes		305