Acadia and Québec

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers

Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCVIII

[page ii]

PREFACE TO VOL. IV

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

XIV. In the concluding portion (Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii.) of the Relation of 1616, Biard relates how he and Father Quentin were taken to Virginia, where they narrowly escaped death; they then were sent to England, and finally to France, arriving there after a captivity of over nine months, and being subjected to many perils by sea and land. The analyst records what progress the Christian religion has made in New France. The missionaries have now learned the nature of the country, and the character and needs of the people; and the colonists have established friendly relations with the savages. The latter have some general knowledge of religion, and are anxious to be baptized. Several miracles are recounted, in the cure of persons given up as dying. Biard then discusses at length the respective territorial claims of the French and English in the New World, and contends that New France should extend southward at least to 39°. He concludes by urging that more attention should be given in France to both the temporal and religious interests of Canada, especially to the conversion of the savages.

Between the dates of Documents XIV. and XV. in our series, there is a break of nine years. The Jesuit [page 1] mission in Acadia had abruptly closed with the attack by Argall, so fully described in the writings of Biard, who, in his Relation of 1616, appears for the last time upon our stage. Meantime, the Récollet friars were conducting their missions upon and beyond the St. Lawrence; but,—as related in the Introduction (Volume I. of this series) and in Notes to this Volume, .post,—finding themselves unequal to the great task, they invited the Jesuits to return to New France and aid them in the conversion of the savages. The first of the "black gowns" to arrive (April, 1625) were Charles Lalemant, Massé, and Brébeuf.

XV. Lalemant, as superior of the mission, writes (July 28, 1625) to the governor, Champlain, announcing the arrival of the Jesuits at Quebec, the hospitality of the Récollets to them, and the death of Nicholas Viel, of the latter order.

XVI. On the same date, Lalemant writes to the provincial of the Récollets, thanking him for the kindness and hospitality shown the Jesuits by himself and others of his order in Canada.

XVII. Lalemant writes (Aug. 1, no year mentioned, but without doubt 1626) to his general, at Rome. He tells what the Jesuit missionaries have accomplished during the past year: they have spent most of the time studying the language of the natives, for which purpose Brébeuf spent the winter among the savages; they had learned all they could of the people and the country; and had preached to and confessed the French colonists. They had established one residence among the Indians. He announces that he sends Noyrot back to France, to look after the interests of their mission. [page 2]

XVIII. On the same date as the foregoing, Lalemant writes to his brother Jerome, in France, who is also a Jesuit. The missionary gives a short description of the country and the climate; then of the people, their customs, religious belief, clothing, etc.; describes the extent of the Canadian trade with France; and tells of the establishment of a residence for the Jesuits, near that of the Récollets. The difficulties encountered by the missionaries in acquiring the native languages, are mentioned, together with their relations with a certain interpreter, and the help received from him. The writer tells of Brébeuf passing the entire winter among the savages of the vicinity; Lalemant went on a similar trip, and had to return in eleven days, as his improvident hosts had no food. He announces his probable departure for a longer stay among the natives. He sends Noyrot back to France, in the interests of the mission, and Brébeuf and De Noue to the Huron country. The natives are ready to be taught, the writer says, and he sends a little Huron boy to be instructed in France. Champlain and Gaumont have, he says, chosen him as their confessor. He wishes to name their first church, "Our Lady of the Angels," and asks his brother to send him therefor "A fine picture surrounded by angels." The busy superior mentions this as the sixty-eighth letter he has just written to France,—chiefly to benefactors of the mission, and those who have written to me."

Lalemant (see note 20, Post, for details) had gone to France for supplies for the colony, in November, 1627; and upon his return in May, 1628, was with others captured by the English Admiral Kirk, to whom, a year later, Quebec capitulated. The Jesuits [page 3] were sent to England, and thence allowed to return to France. Lalemant, with a party of missionaries, again attempted to return to Canada (June, 1629), but they were shipwrecked on the Canso rocks. Two of the adventurous Jesuits were drowned, another remained in the country, but Lalemant returned to France.

XIX. Lalemant writes (Nov. 22, 1629), from Bordeaux to the superior of the Jesuit college at Paris, describing the shipwreck he had recently experienced, in which Father Noyrot and Brother Louis Malot were drowned; and announcing his own safe arrival at Bordeaux.

July 5, 1632, Émery de Caen, the French fur-trade monopolist, arrived at Quebec, commissioned to reclaim that stronghold from Kirk. With him were the Jesuits Le Jeune and De Noue, who had been sent hither to reopen the mission of their order in New France.

 

The Editor gratefully acknowledges the receipt of information from the following gentlemen, relative to annotations in this volume: Dr. John G. Bourinot, Dr. Douglas Brymner, Capt. E. Deville, and Mr. L. P. Sylvain, of Ottawa; Mr. William McLennan, Mr. C. H. Gould, and Rev. Arthur E. Jones, of Montreal; and Mgr. T. E. Hamel, Dr. N. E. Dionne, and Mr. E. E. Taché, of Quebec. To the list of persons named in the General Preface to this series, as having furnished valuable suggestions in the prosecution of the work, the Editor takes pleasure in adding the following: Rev. Joseph Le Halle, S. J., president of St. Ignatius College, Cleveland; Rt. Rev. Ignatius F. Horstmann, R. C. bishop of Cleveland; Rev. E. A. [page 4] Higgins, S. J., of St. Mary's College, St. Mary's, Kans.; Rev. A. A. Hartmann, S. J., of Canisius College, Buffalo, N.Y.; and Mr. James H. Coyne, of St. Thomas, Ont.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., January, 1897.

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XIV (concluded)

Biard's Relation de la Nouvelle France

Lyons: LOUIS MUGUET, 1616

Chaps. xxvi.-xxxvii., and Index, completing the document; Chaps. i.-xxv. appeared in Volume III.

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CHAPTER XXVIII. [i.e., xxvi.]

THE PLUNDERING OF OUR SHIP, AND OF OUR PEOPLE,

AND THE DISTRESSES WE ENDURED.

HE victorious Englishman came on shore, where we had our tents and our houses just begun, and had our Captain searched for in all directions, saying that they wished to see our commissions; that this land belonged to them, and hence they had fallen upon us when they found us there; nevertheless, if we could show our good faith in the matter, and that we had come there under the authority of [238] our Prince, that they would show some regard for it, wishing in no wise to violate the alliance between our two Kings. But the trouble was, la Saussaye could not be found, and on this account the shrewd and cunning Englishman seized his trunks, skillfully picked the locks, and, having found therein our commissions and royal patents, took possession of them; then, putting everything back in its place, each article just as he had found it, nicely fastened the trunks again. The next day, la Saussaye having returned, the English Captain, who knew his lesson remarkably well, received him kindly and made his first inquiries with a fine show of courtesy; then he came to the point and demanded his commission, so there might be no doubt when the words and authority [239] Of the King, our Sire, were actually seen and considered. La Saussaye answered that the letters were in his trunks. These were brought, and [page 9] before he unlocked them he was advised to look closely to see if they had been tampered with, for, as to them, they were acting with all sincerity. La Saussaye found that all was in good order, but alas! he could not find the letters. Hereupon the English Captain changed his mien and his voice, and, frowning in the most proper manner, "How now (said he), are you imposing on us? You give us to understand that you have a commission from your King, and you cannot produce any evidence of it. You are Outlaws and Pirates, every one of you, and merit death." Then he set his soldiers to plundering, and in this the whole afternoon was consumed. From the shore we looked on at the pillage [240] of our property: for the English had left us on shore while they remained on the water, where they joined our vessels to theirs, for we had two, our ship and a barque constructed at this place and newly equipped. We were reduced to a pitiful state, but this was not the end. The next day they came on shore, and robbed us also of what we had there. Not all at one time, but at intervals, and whenever they came on shore, always appropriating some of our mantles, clothes, and other things. Once they maltreated and abused two of our men, which so frightened part of the others that they fled to the woods like poor hunted beasts, half-naked and without [241] food, not knowing what would become of them.

Let us speak of the Jesuits. I have told you that Gilbert du Thet was struck down by a musket ball during the fight. When the English boarded our ship, they put him, together with all the other wounded men, into the hands of their Surgeon. This Surgeon was a Catholic, and known as such. He [page 11] was very charitable, and did us a thousand kind services. Now as soon as Father Biard learned about Gilbert du Thet's wound, he sent a request to the Captain to have all the wounded carried on shore; this was granted, and so the said Gilbert had an opportunity to confess, and to bless and praise a just God, full of mercy to the Society of his Brothers; and he died in their arms. He passed away with great steadfastness, resignation, and devotion, [242] twenty-four hours after he was wounded. He had his wish; for when leaving Honfleur, in the presence of the whole crew, he had raised his hands and eyes to Heaven, praying God that he might never again return to France, but that he might die working for the conquest of souls and for the salvation of the Savages. He was buried the same day at the foot of a large Cross which we had erected when we first went there.

Up to this time the Jesuits had not been recognized by the English, except as Priests. Now Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé went to the ship to speak with the English Captain, and explained to him openly that they were Jesuits, who had come to these regions to convert the Savages; then they implored him, by the blood of him whom he acknowledged as his Savior, and [243] by the mercy which he expected from him, that he might be pleased to have pity upon these poor French, over whom God had given him power; and that in their wretched condition he might see how changeable are the affairs of this world, allow them to return to France, their native country, and furnish them means therefor. The Captain listened to them very kindly, and answered them with like courtesy: "But," (said he) dissembling, "I am very [page 13] much astonished at you Jesuits, who are generally regarded as conscientious and Religious men, being here, nevertheless, in the company of pirates, marauders, and idle wanderers, who are men without calling, without law, and without honor." Father Biard answered, and proved by many arguments, that their whole company were honest people and were recommended by his most Christian [244] Majesty, and so summarily refuted all opposing arguments, that the English Captain had to seem to agree with him, conquered by his logic. "Certainly (he added) there has been indeed some fault, as far as I can see, in thus losing your letters. Nevertheless, I shall consider the matter of your return with your Captain." And from that time until our departure, he always had the two Fathers eat at his table, showing them great respect and courtesy. Now he had a thorn in his side, which caused him much uneasiness; it was the Pilot and Sailors who had escaped, and of whom he could get no news. This pilot,{1} called "Bailleur," from the city of Roüen, had gone out to, reconnoitre (as has been stated), and could not return to the ship in time to defend it; [245] therefore he turned his boat aside, and when night came took in with him the other Sailors, and withdrew to a place of safety, out of sight of the English and beyond their power. At night he came to see us and to talk over with us what was to be done. He performed this kind act especially for the Jesuits; for he came to Father Biard and taking him by the hand implored him not to mistrust him because he was of the Pretended{2} Religion, assuring him that he would not fail him, nor any of the Fathers, and that he should pray God not to forsake him also, as he was speaking from [page 15] a sincere heart. Father Biard thanked him very affectionately, and on his part promised to remember his good will; he told him, however, that he did not wish to think of himself, until he saw all the others on a safe [246] road, and then, let happen to him what God willed. He admonished the Pilot to be careful not to fall into the hands of the English, for the Captain was trying very hard to catch him. The Pilot wisely profited by this advice, and by that of the others. For, during the next two or three days, he went about in defiance of the English, as if making his escape and going for a ship, seeming to say to them that they need not count upon him this time. But he only withdrew behind some Islands not far off, to be on the lookout and to see what fortune might befall us. I believe this made the English Captain decide not to subject us to any worse treatment, however much he might have wished to do so, in regard to which I know nothing. Certainly, judging from what we experienced [247] afterwards, he was indeed a very shrewd and cunning Captain, but nevertheless a gentleman of truly noble courage; nor were his men inhuman or cruel to any of us.

Now it is impossible to imagine the anxiety we endured at that time, for we knew not which way to turn. From the English, we expected only death or at least slavery; but to remain in this country, and for so many men to live among the Savages in their way for a whole year, looked to us like a long and miserable death. These good Savages, having heard about our misfortune, came and offered to do their best for us, promising to feed us during the Winter, and showing a great deal of sympathy for us. But we could hope for nothing better [248] than they had; [page 17] also we could see no prospect of finding any other expedients in such a desert. Now see how God provided for us.

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CHAPTER XXIX. [i.e., xxvii.]

THE MEANS WHICH WERE FOUND TO RETURN TO FRANCE, AND HOW THIRTY OF OUR PEOPLE ARRIVED THERE AFTER MANY TRIALS.

HE English Captain, whose name was Samuel Argal, and his Lieutenant, William Turnel{3} began, as they had promised, to treat with our Captain la Saussaye about our return. The English offered some very unfair conditions, but to make the story short, the conclusion was that as one [249] boat remained to us of the two we had had, they would leave it for us, and with it we could go where God directed us. The English Captain, crafty as he was, wished to have a written acknowledgment signed by la Saussaye, in which he should testify that it was by his own choice that this course had been taken.

When this decision was heard, Father Biard went to see the Captain, and represented to him that there remained thirty persons, and that it was not possible for so many people to crowd into so small a vessel, and still less possible that they could therein make one hundred and fifty leagues, and cross bays of ten and twelve leagues, which would be necessary before they found any French ship in which they could take refuge: that such a thing was plainly [250] throwing ourselves into the jaws of death and of despair. The Englishman answered that la Saussaye did not think so, but if they wished to lighten the said boat he would find a means of doing so; that he would take [page 21] to Virginia the workmen who wished to go there, under promise that they would not force them in the matter of Religion, and that, after one year of service, they would send them back to France. Three accepted this offer.

Sieur de la Mote likewise had from the first consented to go to Virginia with the English Captain, who honored him greatly, because he had found him sword in hand, and saw in him many other good qualities, which proved a great advantage to all our company. He was, moreover, permitted to take with him some who were [251] to enjoy the same favor as he did. Captain Flory also decided to try the same fortune, because he was encouraged to hope that he might thus recover his ship. Father Biard begged that four of them, namely two Jesuits and two others, might be taken to the Pencoit Islands and recommended to the English fishermen, who are usually there, that they might, with their help, return to France. This the English Captain granted very willingly.

Thus the boat was sufficiently lightened, and our whole company was arranged in three equal divisions; for fifteen were with the Pilot, fifteen with the English, and fifteen had embarked in the boat left to them. Of this fifteen, [252] Father Enemond Massé was one, for, it having been granted to the company who were to go in that boat to choose the one of the three Jesuits whom they preferred to accompany them, it was he whom they favored the most.

This boat was then given in charge of la Saussaye, and of Father Enemond Massé, Jesuit, whom the English Captain highly honored. He delivered it over to them with a small supply of food, and other provisions. But our poor men were in great trouble [page 23] when they had to sail their vessel; for in all, there were only two or three sailors, and these had neither map nor knowledge of the country. In this distress God sent them relief in the very nick of time; for the Pilot, who had placed his men in [253] security, anxious to know how the rest of the company were faring, disguised himself as a Savage and went spying about the place. The Angel of God guided him through the right path, for he very opportunely encountered this boat, which was sailing off with no knowledge of navigation. This good luck seemed such a favorable omen to those in the boat, that they were sure from that time on that God would be merciful to them; and, as a superabundance of grace, they had great success in catching large Lobsters or Sea crabs, and the Savages generously gave them quantities of birds and fish and all other things they had, with great exhibitions of sympathy.

Thus they fell in with the boat containing the Sailors, and in their company reached the Island of Menano. This Island is at the entrance [254] to French Bay, and thence they went as far as Long Island; in this passage they had to cross ten leagues of a very angry sea caused by the strong and violent currents which flow between, and unfortunately, bad weather kept them there eight or nine days. Their sorrows and apprehensions made them have recourse to God with vows and prayers, which were heard, as was evident from the beautiful weather which followed, according to their wish, and by means of which they reached Long Island. Here, in order to keep their promise, they planted a Cross, celebrated Holy Mass, and marched in procession. Here also God had prepared a storehouse; for they found in this place a good pile [page 25] of salt, which sieur de Biencourt had previously left there, and to find use for it they caught a fine lot of fish. Thus provisioned, [255] they passed on to Cape Forchu, where they found the Sagamore, Louys Membertou, who gave Father Enemond Massé a hearty welcome and tried by all means to keep him there. But the Father excused himself, giving as his reason the necessity of remaining with his company. The Savage made Tabagie for them all with Moose Meat, which was a great blessing to them, and then they doubled Cape Sable more cheerfully. When they were in the neighborhood of Port an Mouton, they saw before them four boats filled with Savages, who were returning from the trading station. It was Roland and other Sagamores, who immediately recognized Father Enemond, and showed him a generosity truly wonderful; namely, by giving half a Sea Biscuit to each of his companions, and a whole one to him. Behold the world turned upside down, the Savages freely furnishing bread to the [256] French. This bread seemed like Manna to our afflicted (Frenchmen), for they had tasted none for three weeks. And to complete the fulfillment of their wish, the Savages told them that not far from there were two French ships, one at Sezambre and the other at Passepec. This caused our Pilgrims to hasten, that they might not fail to see them.

These two ships were from Saint Malo, one belonging to Dupont the Younger, whom we have frequently mentioned before, this ship being only about fifty tons burthen; Captain Vible Bullot commanded the other, of a hundred tons, and (a good augury) called the "Sauveur." Each of these two took its half of the whole band, but those in the smaller vessel suffered [page 27] a great deal, being in need of everything, room, food, and water, and being horribly shaken up by [257] tempests and adverse winds; our disaster, however, happened very opportunely for this vessel, because it had lost many of its crew, and could scarcely have returned without this chance meeting and fresh reinforcement afforded by our wanderers.

In the larger vessel, called the Sauveur, they fared better, as the Sailors were so kind-hearted that, of their own free will, they stinted themselves of their rations, and left several good places for the accommodation of their guests. Father Enemond Massé had taken refuge in this one; and the Pilot, Alain Yeon, showed him great kindness. They were likewise assailed by tempests, and experienced the truth of the saying about St. Elmo's fire, or the consoling Brothers,—that when two appear at once, it is a good omen. For two appeared [258] for a quarter of an hour upon the Lateen Sailyard, and soon after, the fury of the tempest and the sea abated.

Both ships arrived safe at St. Malo almost at the same time, although the "Sauveur" had departed twelve days later. You may imagine their joy in recalling to memory the dangers from which they had escaped. Father Enemond Massé and the whole company greatly praised the kindness and welcome they received in the city of Saint Malo, from my Lord the Bishop, from the Governor, the Magistrates, Merchants, and all the citizens in general.

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CHAPTER XXX. [i.e., xxviii.]

[259] THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA; AND THE RETURN TO NEW FRANCE.

OD be praised. Here were now two-thirds of our company conducted back to France, safe and sound, among their friends and kindred, who listen to them as they relate the stories of their wonderful adventures. Consequently you will wish to know what became of the other third, who remained behind in the hands of the English. In truth, a longer and more varied fate awaits them, and all will not emerge therefrom unharmed.

The English had three vessels; namely, their own, with which they had captured us, of a hundred and thirty tons; ours, which they had seized, of a hundred tons; [260] and a barque of twelve tons, which they had likewise taken from us, and would not give back to be used for our return. They filled these three vessels with their people, and distributed us among them. Sieur de la Mote, Captain Flory, and half of the rest, making in all eight persons, were placed in the "Capitanesse," and the others, seven in number, remained in the captured ship, of which Lieutenant Turnel was made Captain.

Now as the beginning of their ill luck, the Jesuits were not taken to the Peucoit Islands, according to promise, but were taken straight to Virginia with the rest of the crowd, who were consoled with bright hopes, inasmuch as (said they) the Marshal of [page 31] Virginia{4} who has full power [261] and authority of jurisdiction, was a great friend of the French, as he had secured all his more important honors through the recommendation of the late Henry the Great, having been his soldier and pensioner. This was preached to us frequently.

But our preachers did not take their text from the Gospels. For this charming Marshal, who had the fibre and character of a Frenchman, as they said, when he heard an account of us, talked about nothing but ropes and gallows, and of having every one of us hanged. We were badly frightened, and some lost their peace of mind, expecting nothing less than to ignominiously walk up a ladder to be let down disgracefully by a rope. But Captain Argal showed great magnanimity in defending us: for he opposed the Marshal, urging the [262] promise given by him. And as he found himself too weak in this opposition, he published our commissions and Royal patents, of which I have spoken before, which he had surreptitiously removed from la Saussaye's trunks. And it was in this way we learned that he had made use of such a trick, for otherwise we should never have found it out. The Marshal, seeing these warrants of his most Christian Majesty, and the determination of the Captain, did not dare go any farther; so, after several days spent in great apprehension, we were informed that their promise would be kept.

Now how they were going to keep it, and what means would be found to send us back to France, was the great question. The General,{5} the Marshal, and all the other Important personages of Virginia assembled in Council. [263] The result and conclusion of their consultation was to act still worse [page 33] than ever, since it seemed to them they had the power to do so. For it was decreed that Captain Argal, with his three vessels, should return to new France, plunder and demolish all the fortifications and settlements of the French which he should find along the entire coast as far as Cape Breton: namely, to 46 and one half degrees north latitude, (for they lay claim to all this territory: that he was to have la Saussaye hanged, with all those of his men whom he found remaining within these limits; that he should likewise plunder the ships, which he encountered, finding means, however, to allow their people to return to France, in case they showed no resistance; and that we old prisoners should be placed in company [264] with those whose lives had thus been spared. Such was the decision. But God was on high, and, as you will hear, he decreed otherwise in regard to a number of things.

In accordance with this decision, Argal again started for new France, stronger than before, for he had three vessels, and higher expectations; because the booty he had taken from us strengthened both his cupidity and his hopes. However, he did not take with him the half of our people, I know not why. In his vessel were Captain Flory and four others; in that of Lieutenant Turnel, (which was the one captured from us) the two Jesuits and a boy.

They directed their course first to St. Sauveur, for they expected to find la Saussaye and a newly arrived [263 i.e., 265] ship there. They were mistaken, inasmuch as la Saussaye was in France, as has been said. They burned our fortifications and tore down our Crosses, raising another to show they had taken possession of the country, and were the Masters thereof. [page 35]

This Cross had carved upon it the name of the King of great Britain. Also, on account of a conspiracy, they hanged one of their men in the very place where, eight days before, they had torn down the first of our Crosses.

From saint Sauveur they sailed for Ste. Croix, sieur de Monts's old settlement; and, as they knew that Father Biard had been there, Argal wished him to conduct them thither; but the Father would not consent to do so. This caused him to be in complete disgrace with [264 i.e., 266] Argal, and in great danger of his life. Notwithstanding this, Argal wandered about, up and down, and, by dint of searching all places thoroughly and, comparing them with the maps which he had taken from us, he at last found the place himself. He took away a good pile of salt, which he found there, burned the settlement, and destroyed all traces of the name and claims of France, as he had been commanded to do.

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CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxix.]

THE TAKING AND BURNING OF PORT ROYAL; FATHER BIARD TWICE IN GREAT DANGER.

APTAIN Argal, having destroyed sainte Croix, did not know in what direction to sail to reach Port Royal, according to his commission, and hesitated all the more as he [265 i.e., 267] was afraid of being stranded upon such a dangerous coast without a guide who was very familiar with the locality; and, judging from the recent example of Father Biard, he did not dare expect that any Frenchman would consent to guide him, or give him sincere advice in the matter. For this reason, he began to look for a Savage, and by dint of much running about, lying in ambush, inquiring, and skillful maneuvering, he caught the Sagamore, a very experienced man, and well acquainted with the country; under his guidance, he reached Port Royal. Now there was certainly bad luck for the French, as the English entered the Port by Moonlight, and dropped anchor in sight of the settlement, at a distance of more than two leagues; so, if the French had been on their guard, they would have had an excellent opportunity to prepare for a fight, or to run away, for on [266 i.e., 268] account of the tide, the English were not in front of the settlement until ten or eleven o'clock the next day. I do not know what they were doing. At all events, when the English landed, they found no one in the fort, and saw shoes [page 39] and clothing all scattered about; so they were doubly pleased by this capture, first, because contrary to all their expectations, they met no resistance; and second, because they found a fair supply of booty, which they were not anticipating.

This unlooked-for capture of booty nearly cost Father Biard his life, in this way. As the English had already lost a great deal of time looking for sainte Croix, and afterward in finding a Savage who might act as their guide, Lieutenant Turnel was of the opinion that it would be better to abandon the voyage to Port Royal, and return as soon as possible to Virginia; giving as his reasons that the place [267 i.e., 269] was very dangerous and the season too far advanced (for it was the end of October); that, after so much trouble, there would be no profit in the end, because they would find nothing there but misery and French hatred, which they would very deservedly draw down upon them by the conflagration they were going to kindle there, without being requited for it by any reward. Lieutenant Turnel had heard these arguments from Father Biard, with whom he often took pleasure in conversing, and considered them very good. Now when Captain Argal had such an easy entry, and afterwards at the settlement of Port Royal (as we have said) found such a quantity of booty in food, clothes and utensils, he reproached his Lieutenant for his advice, and for his confidence in the Jesuits: and on that account gave him a smaller part of the plunder. [268 i.e., 270] The Lieutenant was very angry, and so much the more so, as he had always had the reputation of being a man of intelligence and good judgment, which he had now forfeited, as he thought, on account of the Jesuit. [page 41]

Now there was an English Puritan, master of the larger vessel, more malicious than all the others, yet hypocritical, for he made the finest pretensions in the world: but the other Englishmen advised us not to trust him, as he was wickedly prejudiced against us. So this man, seeing his opportunity, persuaded the Captain and Lieutenant, who he saw were aroused, to leave the Jesuit on shore, saying he did not deserve that the English should give him food since he had tried to prevent them from obtaining it, [269 i.e., 271]and offering a thousand other arguments. I know not what rescued the Jesuit so opportunely from this danger, unless it were his simplicity. For just as if he had been highly favored, and had great influence with these English, he dropped upon his knees before the Captain, two different times and upon two different occasions, to move him to pity towards the French of Port Royal who were wandering about through the woods, and to persuade him to leave them some food, their boat, and other means of passing the Winter. And see now what different requests were being made to this Captain: for at the same time that Father Biard was thus petitioning him in behalf of the French, a Frenchman was shouting out from afar, with most scandalous insults and abuse, that he ought to be slain. Now Argal (who has a noble [2 70 i.e., 272] heart), seeing the so sincere affection of the Jesuit, and, on the other hand, the so brutal and infuriated inhumanity of this Frenchman, who remembered neither his own country, nor kindnesses, nor Religion, nor was crushed by God's afflicting rod, considered that it would always be a reproach and disgrace to him, if, without trial and hearing from both sides, he should cast off, on account of a sly and [page 43] cunning accusation, him to whom he had given his word. And so he rejected both the persuasions of the Englishman, and the rage of the Frenchman, looking upon the Jesuit all the more favorably as he saw that, however much he was attacked, there was no change or deterioration in his conduct.

Now this Captain, having taken away from Port Royal everything that seemed convenient to him, even to the [271 i.e., 273] boards, bolts, locks, and nails, set the place on fire. A truly pitiable thing, for in an hour or two the work of several worthy people, during a number of years, was reduced to ashes. And may our Lord grant that this same fire has so completely destroyed all sins, which may have been committed in this place, that they may never again arise in any other place, nor ever provoke the just and dreadful vengeance of our God. The English (as I have stated elsewhere) destroyed, everywhere, all monuments and evidences of the dominion of the French; and this they did not forget to do here, even to making use of pick and chisel upon a large and massive stone, on which were cut the names of sieur de Monts and other Captains, with the fleurs-de-lys. This done, they weighed anchor to sail away, but [272 i.e., 274] bad weather detained them three or four days at the mouth of the Harbor.

While they remained anchored here, a Frenchman from among those at the Port asked to confer with them; his request was granted. Now among the nice things which this fine parliamentarian did, was to say to the English Captain that he was very much surprised indeed that he had not already rid the world of the pernicious Jesuit, who was in one of his ships. If he were not despatched, perhaps some ill luck might [page 45] keep him there to take revenge for the French upon the English by some wicked treason, which the Jesuit would be guilty of, in his way and at his opportunity. For he was (said he) a true and native Spaniard, who, having committed several crimes in France, on account of which he was a fugitive from justice, had also been the cause of a great deal [273 i.e., 275] of scandal at Port Royal, and there could not be the slightest doubt that he would do something still worse to the English. Argal, when he heard it said that Father ~Biard was a native Spaniard, could not believe it; but this charge, made in writing and signed by five or six persons, was handed to him: and they urged him strongly to put on shore and desert Father Biard. But the more they urged him, the less the Englishman would yield to them, because in giving his consent, he could not escape the dishonor of having broken faith and failed in doing justice; whereas, if he kept him until he got to Virginia, he could count upon having him executed there, at the same time receiving praise for his fidelity to his word, and for his patience in bearing with him. For when he would communicate to the Marshal this statement of the French, and add to it that the Father would not consent to guide them to the Island of Ste. [274 i.e., 276] Croix, and had tried to keep the English from going to Port Royal, there would be no danger of his escaping from the hands of the Marshal, from which they had hardly rescued him before, although then they had no claim upon him. Thus God willed that he should be saved that time, and still more wonderfully since then, as you will hear. Meanwhile, you will wisely observe to what madness the evil spirit incites those who sell themselves to him, and how [page 47] necessary it is to be cautious in believing slanders and detractions; for Father Biard had lived in Port Royal, and had always been universally recognized for what he is; namely, a good, native-born Frenchman, who had never even been in Spain, neither he, nor his father, nor his mother, nor any of his kindred. Now notwithstanding all this, a Frenchman was found so possessed with the spirit of [275 i.e., 277] bloodshed, that to have him killed he was led to commit such a monstrous act of imposition, and while under the chastisement of God, derived no other advantage therefrom than to sell himself so hopelessly to Satan and to calumny. This exceeds all ordinary conceptions of wickedness, and it is difficult to conceive how a man can be so desperately given up to, and enslaved by sin.

[page 49]

CHAPTER XXXI. [i.e., xxx]

THE DEPARTURE FROM PORT ROYAL; VARIOUS ADVENTURES OF THE SHIPS; AND HOW WE WERE COMPELLED TO STOP AT THE AÇORES.

N the ninth of November of this year, 16l3, the English left Port Royal, intending to go back to [276 i.e., 278] Virginia, and there to enjoy their booty during the following winter. Now from this time on, Lieutenant Turnel only looked upon Father Biard as an abominable rascal: he hated him still more when he thought of the past, for then he had openly shown his esteem and love for him on account of his naïve simplicity and open candor. But having seen the testimony in writing of so many Frenchmen, who assured him that he was a native Spaniard, and a wicked man, he preferred to believe that the Jesuit was a liar, rather than to disbelieve so many others who accused him. Therefore his hatred was all the more irreconcilable against the deep and impenetrable hypocrisy (as he thought) of a Spaniard, pretending to be a Frenchman, which he, reputed to be a man of sagacity and wisdom, had not been able to discover [277 i.e., 279] in so long a time, but had allowed himself to be drawn by it into great familiarity and friendship. Such was the wrath of Captain Turnel, whom I shall hereafter call simply Captain and no longer Lieutenant, because we are going to be separated [from the other ships]; hear in what way.

On the second day after our departure, on the eve [page 51] of St. Martin, so terrible a storm arose that our three vessels were scattered so effectually that they never came together afterwards, but all sailed away in different directions.

The barque was never seen again, and, no news of it having been heard, no one doubts that it was lost with the six Englishmen who were on board.

The Ship "Capitanesse," which Argal commanded, notwithstanding its hindrances, safely reached port [278 i.e., 280] in Virginia, after three weeks or thereabout. The Marshal (of whom we have spoken above) listened very willingly to Captain Argal as he related all that had taken place, and in a proper spirit of devotion awaited Father Biard, to shorten for him his voyages and to make him find the end of the world from the middle of a ladder; but God, master of life and all-powerful, disposes of his creatures according to his own good pleasure, and not according to the whims of human authority; taking pleasure in the title given him by the Psalmist, of being the Lord, Who delivers the poor from the hands of the strong, and the destitute from the power of those who strip him, as I am going on to show you he did.

The two Jesuits and a French boy were in the captured ship which had been committed to the care of Captain Turnel; this ship, [279 i.e., 281] separated from Argal by the tempest, was so incessantly followed by it for sixteen days, that the Captain, losing hope of being able to reach Virginia, called together all his people, and took counsel with them upon the best way to save their lives. For there seemed to be no probability that they would longer be able to combat the storms so as to keep near Virginia, because they had in the ships the horses taken from Port Royal, [page 53] and these spoiled as much of the water as they drank; the winds had so torn their sails and broken their gunwales and ropes, that they had nothing left with which to repair them; the stock of food was low, except the codfish, of which they had enough; but as to bread, they had had, during three months, only two ounces a day to each person, [280 i.e., 282] very rarely three; and so there remained but little of it. In this consultation, the sailors were of the opinion that their honor demanded them to hold out some days longer. And (in approval of their decision) fair weather came the next day, and bore them so far ahead that they judged they were no more than twenty-five leagues from their port.

To tell the honest truth, the Jesuits did not pray for this fair weather, knowing very well to what fate it was carrying them. Now God, taking pity on them, as I believe, aroused a lively and vigorous southwester, which blew right in the Englishmen's teeth, and forced them to lie to (as the saying is), to reef the sails, and to examine their consciences.

The Captain, seeing this fury [281 i.e., 283] Of the winds and waves, thought it well not to persist in his course, but decided to make for the Açores, 7 hundred leagues from there, to provide for their necessities and to wait for good weather. He turned the prow in that direction, and immediately thereafter they killed the horses which had been spoiling and drinking the water, so that it was all infected and had a bad smell; and even this was measured out to us in small quantities. But the horseflesh was very good, according to the taste of the Jesuits.

Now during these furious and horrible tempests, when all had good reason to look into their [page 55] consciences, God especially inclined the Captain to do so, in such a manner, that once, when he was feeling very repentant, he called Father Biard and held with him the following conversation, which I here insert almost word for word: for this [282 i.e., 284] Captain spoke good French, and many other common languages, besides Latin and Greek, which he understood very well; he was a man of great intelligence and a thorough student. "Father Biard" (said he) "God is angry at us, I see it clearly; he is angry at us, I say, but not at you; angry at us, because we went to make war upon you without first giving you notice, which is contrary to the rights of nations. But I protest that it was contrary to my advice, and my inclination. I did not know what to do, I had to follow, I was merely a servant. But I tell you I see very clearly that God's wrath is kindled against us, but not against you, although on your account: for you do nothing but suffer." The Captain pausing here, you may judge whether or not the Jesuit failed to make a suitable answer. The Captain [283 i.e., 285] took up another phase of the question. "But, Father Biard" (says he) "it is strange that your countrymen from Port Royal should accuse you thus." The Father answers, "But, Sir, have you ever heard me slander them?" "By no means," he says, "but I have clearly observed that when evil things are said of them, both before Captain Argal and before me, you have always defended them, of which I am a good witness." "Sir" (the Father says) "draw your own conclusions from that, and judge which have God and truth on their side, whether the slanderers, or the charitable." "I know that very well," says the Captain, "but, Father Biard, did not charity make you [page 57] lie, when you told me we should find nothing but misery at Port Royal?" "Pardon me," answers the Father, "I beg you to remember that I told you only [284 i.e., 286] that when I was there, I saw and found nothing but misery." "That would be all right," says the Captain, if you were not a Spaniard, as they say you are for, being one, the great good which you desire for the French is not on account of the love you bear them, but on account of your hatred of the English." Upon this Father Biard entered into a long explanation; but he could never eradicate this opinion from the Captain's mind, who said it was not credible that five or six Frenchmen, surrounded by afflictions, would have consented to sign a false accusation against a Priest, one of their own fellow-citizens, deriving no other profit therefrom than to destroy him, and in this way to satisfy their evil passions.

I have narrated this to you that the kindly dispositions of providence may be recognized, and that you may understand how God [285 i.e., 287] proceeded, little by little, to prepare the heart of the Captain. For both he and his crew were greatly perplexed, when they found themselves near the Açores. The reason for this was, that these Islands are inhabited by Catholic Portuguese, so the English judged that, in anchoring there, they would have to allow the ship to be visited; and if in this visit the priests were discovered, it would be all over with them, for the Jesuits, as Catholics, would be liberated, and they [the English] would be hanged, or at least condemned to the chain and ball, as robbers of Priests.

The remedy for this evil was an easy one; namely, to make the Jesuits take a leap into the sea. [page 59] Nevertheless, as I have shown you, the fear of God was awakened, and this contended for them. Our Lord indeed who [286 i.e., 288] protected them through the prayers of his glorious Mother, caused the Captain to decide to conceal them in the hold of the ship, hoping this would suffice for their security, as it did; but the good faith of the Jesuits assisted therein, as you will soon hear.

[page 61]

CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxxi.]

HOW THE SHIP WAS VISITED AT THE AÇORES, AND HOW THE JESUITS KEPT THEIR PROMISE TO THE ENGLISH.

OD'S hand was evidently stretched over the Jesuits for their protection, as you have been able to see heretofore. It was also manifest in ,another danger through which they passed, and which we do not relate here, lest we be tedious, in which, nevertheless, [287 i.e., 289] they confess to have felt more fear than in many others, and not without cause. This divine protection was even more evident in removing all apprehensions of danger from the Captain. For if he had foreseen the great risks which he ran afterwards, I am not sure that he or his crew would have been so conscientious as not to have resolved upon murder, before falling into the perplexities to which they were in this way reduced.

They came to the Island of Faeal, one of the Açores, where, upon their arrival, they intended only to anchor near the town, to send their boat for a supply of water, which they needed most, and to buy a few biscuit and other very necessary articles. In this way it was quite easy [288 i.e., 290] to conceal the Jesuits; for those vessels which are some distance from the land are only slightly visited, and, this visit over, all danger is past. This was the reason why the Captain so readily resolved not to use cruelty. But fate found other ways and means, which he had not [page 63] considered; for he was obliged to enter the harbor and remain in full view of the town, and of other ships. There, by an unlucky accident, our ship ran foul of a Spanish caravel, loaded with sugar, and broke its bowsprit; the Spaniards thought this was a ruse by means of which to surprise their vessel and rob it, just as a French ship had done in the same port five weeks before; and so they began to cry "pirates!" at the same time arming their crew; just a [289 i.e., 291] little more and they would have come to blows. There was great commotion and noise in the town, and considerable alarm throughout all the ships in the harbor. The Captain had to go on shore, and remain there as a hostage and security; and even then, no one could believe that he was other than a Pirate. They came to visit and revisit the ship, and the Jesuits played, as the saying is, at hide and seek, from top to bottom, from dungeon to hold, always finding some new hiding place. Now during the liveliest and fiercest suspicions, and disputes, the Spaniards came to visit the ship, and the poor Fathers and the French boy were huddled behind a boat, still and breathless; for if they had even breathed a little loud, or moved hand or foot, they would have been discovered. The thing was so dangerous that our English were seized with a [290 i.e., 292] panic. But the Jesuits wished to continue to keep faith with them for several reasons, and among others to make the slanderers of the Catholic Church really see that they ascribed to it wrongfully and untruthfully the doctrine that it is not necessary to keep faith with heretics; which is totally false and contrary to its belief. But let us return to the Spaniards. They never discovered the said fathers in their visit, and went away with a very high [page 65] opinion of the English. The latter, when they saw them outside, recovering from the panic into which they had been thrown, began to embrace the Fathers as effusively, and to make as great a celebration in acknowledgment of their sincerity, as a company of kind kindred and friends would make at a peaceful reunion after a very long [291 i.e., 293] absence and separation. These same English have often since then praised the Fathers for this their fidelity, in the presence of their Ministers in England; and the Ministers have thereupon made great demonstrations of astonishment and admiration.

[page 67]

CHAPTER XXXII.

THE ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND; AND THE DELIVERANCE OF THE JESUITS.

HE English were occupied three entire weeks at this Island, which we call Focal, and during this time the poor Jesuits were not able to see the Sun. Now as these English were in need of money, they could not fit themselves out there, and this made them firmly [292 i.e., 294] decide to make no further attempt to return to Virginia, but to go back to England, especially as they now found themselves in the present year, 1614, which was the term of their service. Now on our way to England the tempest cast us out of la ma[n]che{6} (as it is called); that is, out of the Channel between France and England, and we were obliged to take refuge in the Harbor of Milfier [Milford], in the Province of Wales. There again all provisions failed us, which compelled our Captain to go to Pembroch [Pembroke], the principal city of this place, and a Vice-admiralty. But at Pembroke he was taken prisoner, as they suspected him of being a Pirate. The suspicion arose from the fact that he and his crew were English, yet their ship was made after French [293 i.e., 295] models, which made them think he came from Port de Gryp on the Arcin Islands, this side of Cape Escumant. The Captain justified himself as well as he could, by telling the truth; but they did not believe him, inasmuch as [page 69] he had no Commission, and could not have had, because being nothing but a Lieutenant he followed his Captain, from whom he was accidentally separated by the storm, as you have heard. For this reason he was obliged to produce, as witnesses of his honesty, the two Jesuits whom he had in his ship, irreproachable men, as he said, and said truly.

Immediately, by command of the Magistrate, the Jesuits were summoned to come on shore, where they were very respectfully interrogated in a Court of justice. They stated the real facts of the case, and upon their testimony the Captain was [294 i.e., 296] acknowledged to be a gentleman of honor and of worth; as to the disentanglement of our difficulties about new France, these were to be reserved for the King. Nevertheless, we had to make a very long sojourn at Pembroke, awaiting an answer from London, for it was necessary to send there, partly to obtain money, partly to make known the affair to the high Admiral, and the company of Merchants who have charge of Virginia.

And here admiration makes me pause and hold my breath, to cry out with the Wise Man, That the dispensations of Divine providence are truly arranged by compass, joined harmoniously, and measured by weight and balance even to the half of a grain. For this call of the Jesuits was without doubt a contrivance of this paternal providence, which everywhere assisted them; inasmuch as, [295 i.e., 297] if they had remained in the ship, as they were doing, in want of everything, in the depths of winter (for it was February), and had continued to do this during four weeks, it is probable that they would have died of cold and starvation; but, by means of this summons, they became known [page 71] to the judge, honorable and grave personage as he is, and he, having heard how badly off they were in the ship, had them lodged in the house of the Mayor of the city, and paid for them himself, saying they might pay it back if they had the means, otherwise it would be given to God. "For" (said he), "it would be a great disgrace to us if such honorable and learned men were not received among us with courtesy." This kind Gentleman's name is Nicolas Adams, Vice admiral of Pembroke.

Now during this sojourn [296 i.e., 298] all kinds of people went to see them, and some from a great distance, through curiosity to see Jesuits dressed in their robes, as they were then and always have been until their return to France. Ministers, justices, Gentlemen, and others came to confer with them; even a Lord of the great Council wished to have the pleasure of pitting four Ministers against them in debate. I say Ministers, to make myself intelligible to the French, for in England they call them Priests. And the Chief one in the debate was an Archdeacon, for the English still have a great many things in common with the Catholic Church, as the Order of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, Archpriests, Archdeacons, Curates, Canons, etc.; the Episcopal laying on of hands in the ordination of Priests, [297 i.e., 299] and lesser Orders, and in the confirmation of children; the Chrism and its ceremonies, the sign of the Cross, the Image of this and of other things; the Psalmody and usual form of worship, the prescribed Saints' days, the Vigils, Fasts, Lent, Abstinence from meat on Friday and Saturday; Priestly robes, and consecrated vessels. And those who condemn all these things, as the [page 73] Calvinists of France and of Scotland do, and call them damnable superstitions, and inventions of the Antichrist, are by the English called Puritans, and are detested by them as abominable plagues.

When at last an answer came from London, it was learned that the Ambassador of France{7} had heard about the arrival of this ship, and was negotiating its surrender, [298 i.e., 300] especially the surrender of the Jesuits, having had orders to do so from his most Christian Majesty. This was another effect of divine Providence, since it caused this our arrest in the Province of Wales to the end that it might be known to all; for we have strong proofs, and you will soon see some of them, that if the Merchants in whose hands lay the administration of Virginia, had been able to have their own way, not one foreigner who was to be found in Virginia, would ever have returned to his own country.

To finish our story as quickly as possible, note that the Jesuits were taken by a long roundabout way to the Harbor of Sanduicts [Sandwich], and from there sent to Dover by order of the King, and from Dover to Calais, where they rendered thanks to God for such signal blessings [299 i.e., 301] and providences, for which they had good cause, having been nine months and a half in the hands of the English. Sieur d'Arquien, Governor of Calais, and Monsieur la Baulaye, Dean, gave them a very warm reception and provided them with means to return to their College at Amiens.

[page 75]

CHAPTER XXXIV. [i.e., xxxiii.]

THE RETURN OF SIEUR DE LA MOTE, OF CAPTAIN FLORY AND OTHERS, AND THE SURRENDER OF THE SHIP.

HORTLY after this liberation of the Jesuits, God in his mercy rescued nearly all the others who had been shipwrecked, and in the following way.

The boy who was with the Jesuits, called Guillaume Crito, [300 i.e., 302] was taken to London and thence sent to his Father at Honfleur.

At the same time sieur de la Mote also returned to England in a vessel from the Bermudas, which had stopped at Virginia.

Captain Argal generously contended with Marshal Thomas Deel{4} (of whose great asperity of temper you have heard us speak) to obtain from him permission for sieur de la Mote to return, and at last it was granted.

Now this sieur la Mote was very much astonished when suddenly, on arriving in England, no one spoke to him any more, nor looked at him, and he found himself forsaken by all; and the worst of it was that he was taken sick on board the ship. He immediately suspected the nature of the danger which threatened him, and whence it came; namely, from the Virginia merchants, [301 i.e., 303] who would have liked to get rid of him, and did not know how. Therefore he tried by secret means, and finally [page 77] succeeded in having his story made known to Monsieur de Bisseaux, worthy Ambassador of his most Christian Majesty, who immediately sent to him two Gentlemen who had him liberated and well treated, as he deserved to be for his courage and his valor.

At the same time also Madame la Marquise de Guercheville sent la Saussaye to London, to request the surrender of the ship, and reparation for the wrongs involved in this iniquitous robbery. The ship has been given up, but, up to the present, nothing else has been obtained.

And now, just as our ship, having been set free, was about to wing her way to France, her native land, behold, Captain Flory, her Master, [302 i.e., 304] as if by appointment, arrives upon the scene to step in and take command of her.

Captain Argal, about to return to England, had rescued him and two other Frenchmen from the hands of the Marshal. Certainly this Argal has shown himself such a person that we have reason to wish for him that, from now on, he may serve a better cause and one in which his nobility of heart may appear, not in the ruin, but in the preservation of honest men.

Of all our number, three died in Virginia, and four still remain there, for whose liberation everything possible is being done. May God in his mercy give them patience, and may he derive from our affliction whatever good is acceptable to his providence and mercy. Amen.

[page 79]

CHAPTER XXXV. [i.e., xxxiv.]

[303 i.e., 305] WHAT PROGRESS THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION HAS MADE IN NEW FRANCE.

OW some one, having heard all our story, with good reason will say: "Come now, here is a great deal of labor you have told us about, several laudable enterprises, and various rough and violent accidents, but is this all the profit there is in the advancement of the worship of God? Have you run, only to thus weary yourselves? expended, only for the sake of consuming? endured suffering, only to be abused for it in France? For if Canada does not furnish any other revenue, we can tell you that no one, unless he be a fool, works simply for the sake of suffering, [304 i.e., 306] or expends only to exhaust himself. But very truly says the holy Apostle, That he who planteth hopeth to gather fruit. What fruit then do you bring us from your labors? "To this I answer, that everywhere, in France as well as in Canada, it is necessary to sow before reaping, and to plant before gathering, and not to be so avaricious or impatient as to wish, like usurers, the profit at the same time as the loan. How true it is that, in the service of God, there should be nothing but expense and labor, these of themselves being a great enough reward and salary; not because they are expenses and labors, but because they are proofs and exercises of our duty and pious willingness towards the liberal donor of all gifts, our all-powerful [page 81] God. For he [305 i.e., 307]does not weigh nor judge our counsels and designs in the balance and by the weight of the results, which are in his hand and ordinance; but by the firmness of our desire, the greatness of the enterprise, and the honesty of our devotion and purpose.

He arranges events as it pleases him, often rendering them the more happy and the more fruitful, the less one recognizes them as such. For he that planteth is nothing, nor he that watereth; but he who giveth the increase; and this increase is first made under the ground, and out of the sight of men.

For my part, I consider it a great advantage that we have learned more and more about the nature of these territories and lands, the character of the inhabitants, the means of helping them, [306 i.e., 308] the obstacles which are liable to arise against the progress of the work, and the help that must be given to oppose the enemy. The architect who makes and unmakes his plans and models even to the fifth and sixth time, does not think, for all that, that he has not accomplished anything in his first and second trials, which he has destroyed to stop at the sixth; for he will say that the perfection of the last, lies only in the imperfections of the first. It is thus also with the orator, who erases and scratches out twice and three times what he has written in his first enthusiasm, because the beauty and force of the ideas and words, which he substitutes for the fourth time, come to him from his rejection of, and dissatisfaction with, the preceding ones. So, in truth, it is not otherwise that God usually gives us prudence and the better management of things, only [307 i.e., 309] through various experiences, and for the most part through our own faults [page 83] and those of others. We have done, then, a part of what we intended to do; we have experimented, we know what is necessary and what is harmful, and wherein lies the principal part of the work. The means which have been employed have not been so great, nor so proportioned to a higher purpose, that we should be greatly dissatisfied with what God gives us.

But yet, on the other hand, it is a great result that the French have won the confidence and friendliness of the Savages, through the great familiarity and frequent intercourse which they have had with them. For the foundation must always be laid before raising the capital; that is, we must make them citizens, or good hosts and friends, before making them brothers. Now this confidence and this [308 i.e., 310] intimacy is already so great that we live among them with less fear than we would in Paris. For in Paris we can not sleep without having the doors well bolted; but there we close them against the wind only, and sleep no less securely for keeping them open. At first they fled from us, and feared us; now they wish us with them. When we first disembarked and visited St. Sauveur, and pretended that we did not like the place, and that we thought of going elsewhere, these simple natives wept and lamented. On the other hand, the Sagamore of Kadesquit, called "Betsabes,"{8} came to persuade us, with a thousand promises, to go to his place, having heard that we had some intention of making a settlement there. Is it a small thing to have such a foundation of justice in our colonies, and this so [309 i.e., 311] sure pledge of great success? And we must not conclude that other nations have borne this [page 85] friendship as well as we, for we are eyewitnesses to the fact that these Savages, having (as they supposed,) some advantage over the English, threw themselves upon them with fury, thinking, I believe, to get revenge for the injury that had been done us; but they were not successful in their attack. Likewise, towards the end of the year 1611, the Hollanders merely wishing to land at Cap de la Heve to take in some fresh water, our Savages assailed them fiercely, and made away with six of them, among whom was the Captain of the ship. It seems to me that we will be unworthy of this friendliness, if we do not so act that it may avail them in learning to love him, from whom we [310 i.e., 312] receive all our blessings.

Furthermore, although the Jesuits have not usually baptized adults, for the reasons heretofore stated, yet they have catechized them as well as they could, both through the eyes and the ears. Through the eyes, I say, making them see our usages and ceremonies and accustoming them thereto. In our Processions we had the little children march before the Cross, and perform some service, such as carrying the lights, or other things; and both they and their fathers take pleasure in this, as if they were really Christians. Thank God this much has already been accomplished, that they do not wish to die without baptism, believing that they will be forever miserable, if they pass away without it, or at least a strong desire for it, and without sorrow for their sins.

[311 i.e., 313] The Patriarch Flesche (as has been said) baptized perhaps eighty of them, the Jesuits only about, twenty, and these were little children, except three, who were baptized in the last extremity of [page 87] sickness, and thence have gone to enjoy a life of bliss, after having been born again in this life; as have also some of the little children. We had composed our Catechism in the Savage language, and had begun to be able to talk some kind of a jargon with our Catechumens. We were founding a new and very pleasant colony, it was our Autumn, our time of harvest. And lo, at this moment, the one who is jealous of all good, and particularly of human salvation, came and, wickedly setting fire to all our work, bore us away from the field. May the victorious Jesus, with his powerful hand, and invincible [312 i.e., 314] wisdom, confound him. Amen.

[page 89]

CHAPTER XXXVI. [i.e., xxxv.]

SOME MIRACLES WHICH GOD PERFORMED IN THE CURE OF THE SAVAGES.

UT as God, being merciful and gentle, calls this nation of Savages according to their capacity and needs, so he has been pleased to show himself kind and helpful to them. I shall call to your attention here three proofs of this, very evident and sure, which were shown in the cure of bodily ills.

Let the first be this one. Father Biard having gone to the river of Smelts{9} (as has been said before), was told, that two leagues [313 i.e., 315] from there at the Baye Ste. Marie, there was a woman very near death, who had a strong desire to see and speak with him. The Father begged a certain man named Pierre to accompany him thither, which he did. They found this woman, who had been afflicted by disease for three weeks, stretched out by the fire, according to the custom of their sick people. The Father Catechized her as well as he could, and encouraged her, offering some prayers; then he returned, leaving a cross hanging around her neck, for he did not consider her so low that it was necessary to baptize her; he only advised those present that if she continued ill three or four days, or if she became worse, they should summon him. There was no need, for the next day this woman arose healthy and happy, and, laden with a heavy bag, went to find her husband four leagues away, with her cross. [page 91] hanging around her [3I4 i.e., 316] neck. The one who first saw her was a huguenot of Dieppe, called Jean Bachelard, who came to bring the news to the Jesuit.

The second was at Pentegoët; Father Biard being there in company with Sieur de Biencourt, and, according to his custom, visiting the sick people of the place, and reciting over them passages from the holy Gospels, they showed him a certain one who was not expected to live, having been sick for three months. He was then having a violent attack, speaking only with great difficulty, and bathed in a cold perspiration, the forerunner of death. The Jesuit had him kiss a cross several times, which he attached to his neck, announcing as well as he could the good tidings of the salvation acquired thereby; there were a number of Savages present, who listened, and, by their countenances, showed [315 i.e., 317] great satisfaction in what was being said. The Father left them thug kindly disposed, and returned to the barque. Now what God did in his absence was apparent from what we saw a day later. For when Sieur de Biencourt was trading in his barque, this Savage, with several others, came there healthy and happy, parading his cross, and, with great demonstrations of joy, expressed his gratitude to Father Biard before them all.

The third is very remarkable, and therefore I shall tell it at length. As we have related above, Sieur de la Mote, Simon the interpreter, and Father Biard had gone to visit the place called St. Sauveur, to find out whether it would be suitable for a settlement. Now coming back from this visit, and returning to the Cabins of the Savages, they heard two or three times [page 93] cries and [316 i.e., 318] lamentations in the distance, and, asking the Savage who guided them what this might mean, he answered that some one was dead and this was the mourning; hence we did not hasten our footsteps. Now as we were already within easy hearing distance of the voice, lo, this howling begins anew; and, by chance, a young Savage boy being met upon the way, curiosity impelled Father Biard to ask him who this dead person was that was being mourned. The boy answered that no one was dead, but that some one was dying, and added, of his own accord, "Run fast, perhaps you can baptize him before he really dies;" then, as if God had said this with his own lips, we began to run with all our might. When we arrived we [317 i.e., 319] found all the Savages outside their Huts, drawn up in line like soldiers on the surrender of a city; in front of them walked an unhappy Father holding his child, who was dying, in his arms. Now when the child happened to sob, the Father, supposing that its Life was departing, began to groan pitifully; and the whole company followed him in the same tone, for such is their custom.{10} Accordingly, when Father Biard saw this spectacle, he addressed the disconsolate Father, and asked him if he would be glad to have his son baptized; the poor simple fellow, who was almost beside himself, answered him not a word, but put the child in his arms. The Father cried that they should bring him some water immediately, which was done, and putting the child in the arms of Sieur de la Mote (who was very [318 i.e., 320] zealous to be its godfather, baptized him, calling him Nicolas, the name of the said Sieur. The Savages, expecting some great results, crowded round to see what would [page 95] happen. Now Father Biard, after having recited some prayers to the effect that God might be pleased to enlighten these poor Heathen, took the baptized child from the hands of Sieur de la Mote, and gave him to his mother, who was there; she, as Mother, immediately offered the child the breast, and he received nourishment with great eagerness. When the Savages saw this child thus hanging upon the mother's breasts, if the earth had sunk beneath their feet, I do not think they could have been more astonished. They remained there, fixed and immovable, without saying a word, and as if Frozen. The Father uttered a few words of instruction to them and then motioned to them to return to their Cabins. Do you [319 i.e., 321] know whether he was obeyed or not? These good people looked upon him as though he were more than man, trembling before him, and seeming to have been strongly touched by God. This child was still healthy and active a month after this, its recovery, a little while before we were taken by the English; for the mother brought him to our tents, and was seen by the greater part of our people. See now that God does not leave his law without authentic testimonies, nor his goodness without admirable results.

[page 97]

CHAPTER XXXVII. [i.e., xxxvi.]

THE REASONS WHY THE FRENCH HAVE APPROPRIATED BY GOOD RIGHT THE LANDS OF NEW FRANCE, AGAINST THE PRETENSIONS OF THE ENGLISH.

OW as I have fulfilled the first two [320 i.e., 322] parts of my promise, that is, I have given an Account of the character of the lands and the inhabitants of new France, and have described to you the conduct of the Jesuits, and the adventures that befell them; there remains then the third topic: the explanation of the dispute that has now arisen between the French and English in regard to these countries, and the arguments for and against. both sides. For the curious Reader, I believe, will be glad to learn just what the point of contention is, and the arguments which are advanced by both parties; it is even due to the honor of the French people, to make known to all nations how just are the titles, how suitable the reasons, and in what sincerity of conscience our Kings have made themselves Masters, and have taken possession of these lands up to the present.

[321 i.e., 323] Accordingly it must be understood that the English do not dispute with us all of new France. For they dare not refuse what everybody grants us, but they only contest some of the boundaries. They grant us then a new France, but bound [page 99] it by the shores of the Gulf and great river saint Lawrence, and restrict us within the 47th, 48th, and 49th degrees of north latitude. At least they do not allow us to go farther south than the forty-sixth degree, claiming all that country from Florida and the 33rd degree up to Campseau and the Islands of Cape Breton.

The reasons for these their pretensions are, that about the year 1694 [sic], twenty-two years ago, having entered that great gulf [322 i.e., 324] of the American sea which was formerly called Mocosa, and there having found a river and country which pleased them, they made attempts at settlement, giving it the name of Virginia; but, having been opposed by the natives, and other accidents having overtaken them, they were at last obliged to give it up entirely, not having lived there more than two or three years. Nevertheless since the Most Serene King James, now reigning, came to the throne, they resolved to reconquer and cultivate it. The King, favoring this project, granted some important Privileges to those who undertook this colony, and, among other things, extended their right of occupation from the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 45th, giving them power to attack all foreigners whom they might find within [323 i.e., 325] these limits, and fifty miles out into the sea. These patents of the King were drawn up during the fourth year of his reign, and in the year of grace 1607 on the 10th of April, seven years ago, for I am writing this in 1614.{11}

So that is what I have been able to learn from all the charters and instructions which our contestants bring forth to support them in their rights and claims; and, while we are being confined within the [page 101] limits of old Canada, they are holding themselves at large with plenty of elbow room, giving us our share at their good pleasure. Now this is how we would answer them according to law:

1. In the first place, as by an admirable providence of God, their own Royal patents, upon which they found their claims, contradict them in their pretensions. Because it is said expressly in these, [324 i.e., 326] with specific exception: We give them all the lands up to the 45th degree, which do not actually belong to any Christian Prince. Now it happens that at the time of the date of these letters, the King of France actually and really possessed the said lands at least up to the 39th degree. Every one knows this through the voyages of Champlain, for he relates in these that, in the year 1607, sieur de Monts was at port Royal, and, through his people and authority, ruled all the country to the 39th degree as Lieutenant of his most Christian Majesty.
1. Again, if the English wish to say that they did not begin to take possession of their Virginia from the year 1607 only, but from the year 1594, when they discovered it (as we have said), we answer that the river, which they began [325 i.e., 327] then to possess [the James river], is in latitude 36 degrees, and that this their claim might perchance be of some value, if it were only a question of retaining this said river, and seven or eight leagues on either side of it, for our eyes can generally reach as far as that; but that a ship, merely because it had entered a river, should claim dominion thirty times farther than the eye can reach -this is wishing to have arms, or rather greediness, indeed monstrous. But let us suppose it could be done. [page 103]

It will follow, then, that Ribaud and Laudoniere,{12}—having gone to Florida in fine array by the authority of King Charles IX., in the years 1564, 1565, and 1566, to cultivate the land, and there having extended Carolina to the 30th parallel of north latitude,- took possession as far as the 38th and [326 i.e., 328] 39th parallels; and so behold the English out of their Virginia according to their own maxims.

3. Yet if being in a place gives possession (as the English presuppose) of eight or nine degrees farther on, why is it that they, being at the 36th, can advance to the 45th, better than we (as they acknowledge) being at the 46th, can go down to the 37th? What greater rights have they than we? So thus we answer the English.
4. But to better declare the justice of our cause, what we have explained above must be recalled; namely, that his most Christian Majesty took possession of these lands before any other Christian Prince, by right of first discovery. For it is true, and is acknowledged by [327 i.e., 329] all, that the Bretons and Normans first discovered the great Bank, and Newfoundland, sailing along the coast to Cape Sable, which is in the 43rd degree, up to where the great Bank extends. This discovery was made in the year 1504, one hundred and ten years ago.
5. Furthermore, all acknowledge that, by the command of the great King Francis, Jean Verazan took possession of these countries in the name of France, beginning at the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 47th. This was done in two voyages, the last of which was made in the year 1523, ninety years ago.
6. In addition to this, Jacques Cartier{13} first entered the great river in two voyages that he made, [page 105] and discovered the lands of Canada. His last voyage was in the year 1534. Now it is a wonder [328 i.e., 330] that the English grant us the lands of Jacques Cartier's discovery, wishing as they do to deprive us of the 45th degree; for it is very certain that this discovery dates back much farther than the others heretofore cited of the more southern parts. And the great river is so situated that the possession of these lands is almost useless to any one who does not possess at least as far as the 40th degree. Look at the map.
7. Also it is wonderful how these English say they have granted us Newfoundland, and nevertheless went there to live four years ago, near the 48th or 49th degree.{14}
8. Now, by the common consent of all Europe, new France is represented as extending at least as far as the 38th or 39th degree, as it appears [329 i.e., 331] on the maps of the world printed in Spain, Italy, Holland, Germany, and England itself.{15} Also, it is the French, and not others, who have made a description of it, have given it its names, have tamed the Savages, have traded and always had communication with them from the first discovery up to the present time. And it was in the forty-third degree that the Marquis de la Roche went to settle, establishing his colony in the year 1598.{13} And, since the year 1603, sieur de Monts received as a gift all the lands from the 40th degree to the 46th degree, from the late Henry the Great, of happy memory, who also declared by express letters, that nothing which was brought away from there, or taken there, was liable to foreign custom duty, as that country was a just part and legitimate outgrowth of this Kingdom, and in no wise a foreign one. [page 107] [330 i.e., 332]
9. And surely, in addition to the reasons here given, common justice favors this declaration; for those lands are parallel to our France, and not to England. They are, I say, contiguous with us, so that having been found unoccupied by us and beyond our shores they accrue to our inheritance, as the law of Alluvions determines. ƒƒ. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l.. 30. Ergo.{16}
10. Finally the late Comte de Soyssons was invested with the government of the said countries,{17} and bore the title to it in his lifetime; and today the Prince places this in the rank of his other prerogatives and principal honors.{18}

[page 109]

CHAPTER XXXVIII. [i.e., xxxvii.]

[331 i.e., 333] REASONS WHY THE CULTIVATION OF NEW FRANCE OUGHT TO BE UNDERTAKEN IN EARNEST.

ERE, before finishing, I am obliged to set down some reasons which agitate my soul, when I consider how we are letting this poor new France lie fallow, both as to the temporal and the spiritual, in savagery and paganism. I know well that I may accomplish much more by advancing these reasons to the ear of our Lord in earnest prayer, than by presenting them to the eyes of men in cold letters. Nevertheless, the more ardently I cry to God in considering them, so much the more I feel myself [332 i.e., 334] urged to specify them to men in writing.

And first, if the temporal is considered, this country is another France in the influences and conditions of the heavens and of the elements; in extent of country, ten or twelve times larger, if you wish; in quality, as good if it be cultivated, at least there is no reason why it should be worse; in situation, upon the shore opposite to ours, to give us the knowledge and mastery of the sea, and of navigation; I say there are a thousand blessings and advantages. In a word, as it were, another France and another Spain to be cultivated.

2. Next, the attempts which we have already made so many times for a hundred and ten years, oblige us [page 111] to continue, unless we wish, to the scorn of strangers, to yet lose the fruit of [333 i.e., 335] so much time consumed, and to suffer the loss both of so many men and so much wealth, as has been necessary in acquiring a knowledge of these lands, Coasts, Gulfs and different places, which (thank God) we have obtained, as well as the good will and intimacy of the people,—a gentle people, who extend to us their hands with an incredible longing, and with a profound grief to see us defeated,-for no other reason than that the enterprises which have been undertaken up to the present, having been almost entirely sustained by private individuals, have sunk-and it is not to be wondered at-under the burden and the expenses, which such a work requires.
3. If we give up or become indifferent, we have before our eyes many others, who have shown us that they have courage. And certainly, in case we did not do [334 i.e., 336] our duty, there is nothing to prevent others from doing theirs. Now let us consider whether it is very advantageous to lose the profit, which is brought from these countries every year by more than five hundred of our ships, which go there, either on whaling expeditions, or for cod and other fish, or for trade in furs of the Beaver, Elk, Marten, Seal, Otter, etc.{19} For we must not expect to have any share in this, if others seize the property, as has been very clearly shown during these years by the disputes which occurred at Spitsbergen and elsewhere.
4. So much for the temporal; but as to the spiritual, in which the inexpressible grace of God raises us to the surname and glory of "most Christian," let us calculate and sum up the benefits which accompany [page 113] and favor us [335 i.e., 337] continually after this first one, which is our calling to the Holy Church and knowledge of our Savior, Jesus Christ; and then we shall be able to estimate how great would be our ingratitude, and how horrible the chastisement it would bring with it, if we do not try to enhance the value of this grace by communicating it to our fellow-men in proportion to our means and opportunities. Such chastisement has been wisely commented upon by the venerable Bede. For, shortly before his age, the Scotch were illuminated by a divine light, so that they saw themselves fallen into heterodoxy by delusions and inadvertence; while the Bretons, or those people of the Province of Wales, were cast into the abyss and shadows of the outskirts of Hell, the heresies; of these two so contrary and opposite effects this great and Saintly Man, [336 i.e., 338] so truly acquainted with the works of providence and Eternal justice, attributes the causes to the two different dispositions of the two nations. "For," says he, "the Scotch had previously given to the English, through great charity and devotion, what they had received of Evangelical truth ; and therefore God wished to show them mercy in a full and overflowing measure, opening their eyes that they might see themselves deceived and mistaken. While the Bretons, either through negligence or other lack of spiritual moderation, were quite indifferent when they saw the English perishing miserably in their infidelity; therefore they deserved, as ungrateful servants, to lose the talent of the Catholic faith, which they had not deigned to profit by, either for others or for themselves. " Oh, what [337 i.e., 339] food there is for reflection and discourse upon this subject! [page 115]

But let it be enough to keep before our eyes the vision of these poor natives, these images of our God as we are, and as capable of enjoying him, these companions of our own species, and almost of the same quality as we, who are upon the edge of the horrible gulf of the fires of hell, many of them even precipitated every day into eternal torments, and profound depths of everlasting punishment, without hope of deliverance. O God! we are amazed at these frightful judgments, as there is much in them to cause our amazement; but we have not the sense to perceive, nor the understanding to appreciate, that the blood of this so cruel execution is upon our hands, who do not exert ourselves to prevent it; upon our [338 i.e., 340] feet, which do not move to remedy it; upon our houses, which we build so magnificently without caring for the eternal dwellings of our brothers; upon our purses, our possessions, our wealth, and our hearts, which are so little moved by such spectacles and contribute so little to that for which the Son of God, our Savior, did not spare even his life. May it please him to grant us mercy, and to receive from us and from all his creatures, praises and blessings forever and ever. Amen.

END.

[page 117]

Index of the Most Important Subject

A	BSENCE of Father Biard causes the French not to expose themselves to danger of ruin.	p.	178
Acadia, country of the Souriquois, near Canada.		p.	4
Açores, Islands of the Spanish crown.		p.	281
Aguigueou, Asticou, Betsabes, Canadian Captains, offer to the French, captured by the English, to take them away and maintain them.		p.	35
Alain Yeon, Pilot of St. Malo, charitable towards the French of St. Sauveur.		p.	257
Ambassador of France in England, solicits the liberation of the captive Jesuits of Canada.		p.	296
Advancement of the English eighty leagues into new France.		p.	228
English defeated by the Armouchiquois, and why.		p.	179
English settled in Virginia, two hundred leagues from the French of St. Sauveur.		p.	227
English guided to St. Sauveur through a misunderstanding of the Canadians, who supposed them to be French.		p.	229
English invade the ship of the French of St. Sauveur, plunder the settlement, and capture the French.		p.	235
English cunningly rob the French of their Royal Patents, to Prevent their making an honest defense in their captivity.		p.	238
English, having power to throw the captive Jesuits into the sea, not to ruin themselves on their account, content themselves with hiding them. [page 119]		p.	286
English, compelled to land at the Açores, are rendered safe through the charity of the Jesuits, their captivecs.		p.	289
English acknowledge this kind service of the Jesuits.		p.	290
English, holding the Jesuits captive, themselves suspected of being pirates by their own countrymen.		pag.	29
English, suspected of being pirates, are acquitted .on the evidence of the Jesuits, their prisoners.		p.	293
English are afraid to land upon Spanish territory, with their Jesuit prisoners.		p.	285
English merely pretenders to new France.		p.	320
Eel-fishing in the middle of September.		p.	47
Fruit trees very rare in Canada.		p.	31
Forest trees of Canada.		p.	32
Bows and shields upon the men’s graves.		p.	92
Slate in Canada.		p.	32
Argal, an English Captain, secretly seizes the commissions of the French of St. Sauveur.		p.	238
Argal, an English Captain, wishes to send all the French to France in a small boat, with evident danger of their being lost.		p.	251
Argal, an English Captain, strongly opposes the Marshal of Virginia, so that his French prisoners should not be hanged.		p.	262
Argal, an English Captain, a just man.		p.	270
Arms of the Canadians, the bow and the shield.		p.	55
Armorial Bearings of Madame de Guerche-ville placed at Cap de la Heve, as a sign of possession.		p.	216
Armouchiquois strongly suspected by the French of intending to plunder them, under pretext of trade.		p.	178
Armouchiquois disposed favorably to Christianity.		p.	180
Seated. To be seated, a sign of reverence among the Canadians. [page 121]		p.	91
Association of the Marquise de Guercheville with sieur de Potrincourt in Canadian affairs.		p.	188
Asticou, a Sagamore on the coast of Acadia.		p.	222
Lobsters, or sea Crabs, were caught by the French of St. Sauveur in their great poverty.		p.	253
To have a dog and a bag, in Canada, is to enjoy the rights of Property.		p.	51
Autmoins are the Priests of the Canadians.		p.	54
Autmoins, Medicine men and Sorcerers dupe the simple Canadians.		p.	79
Autmoins require many Presents for the cure of the sick.		p.	87
Autmoins invoke God by the name of the Sun, when they are in need.		p.	96
B
Bay of Chinictou in Canada, surrounded by beautiful meadows.		p.	27
French Bay, between Port Royal and the river St. John.		p.	165
Bay of mines, twenty-two leagues from Port Royal.		p.	203
Baye de Genes, thus called by Champlain.		p.	204
Bay of mines eight leagues wide.		p.	205
Baptism too easily administered in Mexico, with notable detriment to those baptized.		p.	106
Baptism administered to the Canadians not yet Instructed in the duties of Christianity, and the evils which result therefrom.		p.	111
Baptism of aged persons, not well instructed, deferred with great consideration.		p.	115
Baptism desired by Canadians before dying.		p.	310
Baptism cures a Canadian child sick unto death.		p.	318
Those baptized in Canada without previous instruction, know nothing of Christianity, not even [page 123] their Baptismal names.		p.	109
Basques have alienated the Excomminquois in Canada from our French.		p.	33
Biencourt and Robin, out of regard for the Calvinists, agree that the Jesuits must not enter their ship.		p.	134
Biencourt by means of the Jesuits sails for Canada, much sooner than he could have done without them.		p.	138
Biencourt suspects that Madame de Guerche-ville wishes to rob him of his rights in Canada.		p.	197
Bretons discovered new France.		p.	2
Bretons often sick in Canada.		p.	15
C
Winter Cabins of the Canadians; a circle of poles closed at the top and covered with skins, mats, or pieces of bark.		p.	40, 41
Cabins of the Canadians always in a beautiful location, and near good water.		p.	41
Summer Cabins of the Canadians long and wide, and covered with mats or bark.		p.	42
Calais. The Governor and Dean of Calais welcome and kindly assist the Jesuits of Canada sent back from England.		p.	299
Calvinists are not satisfied to have the Jesuits go to Canada, but are willing to take all other Ecclesiastics.		p.	133
Canada is only a part of new France, namely, the and along the great river Canadas.		p.	3, 4
Canada, a Province of new France, first discovered by Jaques Cartier, in the year 1524.		p.	4
Canada parallel to ,France, in the same climate and Polar elevation.		p.	9
Canada colder than our France, and why.		p.	10
Canada subject to Scurvy or land disease. [page 125]		p.	14
Canada brings sickness to those who are idle.		p.	16
Canada shows vegetation as early in Spring as our France.		p.	18
Canada in the coldest places yields the wheat crop in its season.		p.	19
Canada has no high mountains.		p.	20
Canada, very much intersected by rivers and arms of the sea, is thereby rendered colder.		p.	23
Canada, on account of the continuous forests, is heated by the Sun, and therefore colder than the open countries.		p.	24
Canada, not being cultivated, is covered with hard crust, almost impenetrable to the Sun, and therefore much colder.		p.	24
Canada produces the wild grape in many places, which ripens in its season.		p.	31
Canada, in the lands known to the French, has only ten thousand inhabitants.		p.	73
Canada, with the exception of Port Royal, given to Madame de Guercheville.		p.	190
Canada under Authority of the Prince de Soissons.		p.	330
Canada, why the French should cultivate it.		p.	331
Canadians faithful to French against English.		p.	34
Canadians kind to French made prisoners by English.		p.	35, 36
Canadians have a good memory for visible and material things.		p.	36
Canadians comprehend and estimate well the the known through the senses.		p.	36
Canadian women wear belts above and below the stomach.		p.	37
Canadians nearly all beardless, except the more robust.		p.	37
Canadians have no memory for a consecutive arrangement of words. [page 127]		p.	27
Canadians scoffers at ill-shapen people.		p.	37
Canadians' bodies are not ill-shapen or defective.		p.	37
Canadians dressed in skins which have been curried and decorated in various colors.		p.	39
Canadians cowardly and great boasters.		p.	55
Canadians strong and skillful in wrestling, and not in any other kind of combat.		p.	55
Canadians generous and grateful.		p.	58
Canadians practice Polygamy more for profit than for incontinence.		p.	62
Canadians sickly since their intercourse with the French, on account of their excesses in eating food to which they are not accustomed.		p.	69
Canadians not anxious about to-morrow, only living from day to day.		p.	70
Canadians, when they rub themselves with seal oil, have a bad smell.		p.	77
Canadians embrace Christianity only as a sign of friendship with the French.		p.	109
Canadians complain greatly that they were not advised of the duties of Christianity before their baptism, to which they would not have bound themselves if they had known them.		p.	111
Canadians baptized through the instrumentality sieur de Potrincourt.		p.	126
Canadians can express in words only the more visible and material things.		p.	151
Canadian subjects of Asticou invite the Jesuits to locate in their territory.		p.	222
Canadians embrace the English, believing them to be French, and through ignorance guide them to St. Sauveur, where they plunder and capture the French. [page 129]		p.	229
Canadians very sorrowful when they recognize that through inadvertence they had deliver the French of Saint Sauveur into the hands the English.		p.	231
Canadians show great sympathy for the French taken prisoners by the English, and offer them many favors.		p.	246
Canadians give generously of their game to the needy French of St. Sauveur.		p.	253
Canadians, well understood, can afterwards be better assisted in the salvation of their souls.		p.	306
Canadians, having great confidence in the French, can be better aided by them, than by others, in their conversion.		p.	307
Canadians very faithful to the French.		p.	308
Canadians enemies of the English and Dutch.		p.	309
Canadians fond of Baptism.		p.	310
Canadian woman sick unto death, cured by the Catechism and a Cross hung around her neck.		p.	313
Canadians do not wear trousers.		p.	39
Canadians wear leggings and shoes of elk skin.		p.	39
Canadians erect new houses at every change of place and residence.		p.	40
Canadians camp in pleasant localities and near good water.		p.	41
Canadians lie around the fire, upon seal skins, the heads upon bags.		p.	41
Canadians have new game or fish for every one of their thirteen moons.		p.	42
Canadians live only upon game and fish.		p.	42
Canadians die of starvation when hunting and fishing are not successful.		p.	43
Canadians are very greatly inconvenienced by the rain and snow when it does not freeze. [page 131]		p.	44
Canadians wear snowshoes upon the feet when the snow is soft, for hunting.		p.	44
Canadians rich in marine, not in forest game.		p.	46
Canadians, in the middle of September, come from the sea to fish in the rivers.		p.	47
Canadians,possess no property before marriage.		p.	51
Canadians quarrel when some refuse dues to others.		p.	52
Canadian cured by the Cross and Catechism.		p.	315
Canadians howl terribly around their dying friends.		p.	317
Campseau seacoast distant one hundred and twenty leagues from Port Royal.		p.	139
Cap de la Heve on the coast of Acadia.		pag.	219
Cape sable.		p.	255
Cape Breton.		p.	263
Cape Forchu.		p.	255
Caribou, half ass, half deer, good to eat.		p.	43
Chase, the second time for the Beaver and Elk in October and November.		p.	47
Capture of the beaver in the first hunt, in February and March.		p.	43
Catechism exactly attended to is very necessary to the Canadians, on account of their wandering mode of life.		p.	102, 103, 104
Catechism and Cross, hung from the neck of a Canadian woman, cure her of a mortal illness.		p.	313
Catechism cures a sick Canadian.		pag.	215
Canoes, the skiffs of the Canadians, made of birchbark, very light, capable of holding an entire family and their necessary utensils.		p.	48
Canoe very convenient for fishing and conveyance.		p.	48
Canoe makes forty leagues in one day.		pag.	49
Champlain establishes the settlement of Kebec. [page 133]		p.	121
Champlain explores the shores of the river St. Lawrence.		p.	121
Champlain, Lieutenant of sieur de Monts.		p.	121
Champlain, going to Kebec, passes through enormous and frightful masses of ice.		p.	139
Coal in Canada.		p.	32
Smoked meat, or meat dried in smoke, stored away.		p.	70
Elm, Oak, Beech, and Poplar in Canada.		p.	32
Hunting and fishing are the only resources of the Canadians.		p.	42
First hunt for Beavers in February and March.		p.	43
Second hunt for Beavers and Elk in October and November.		p.	47
Stick.planted in the ground by the Autmoin, feigning to chase away the Devil.		p.	82, 83, 84
Dogs of the sick man eaten in the Tabagie.		pag.	89
Chinictou is a Bay in Canada surrounded by beautiful meadows.		p.	27
Chinictou a country of Canada fertile and pleasant.		p.	204
Chiquebi, a root something like truffles, upon which the Jesuits lived in time of famine.		p.	213
English Surgeon, a Catholic, charitable towards the wounded French of St. Sauveur.		p.	241
Shellfish, and fish of all kinds, swarm in the Canadian sea during five months.		p.	45
Banks of the river Saint John in Canada abounding in wild grapes and nuts.		p.	31
Coast of St. Sauveur very agreeable.		p.	225
Cross hung from the neck of a Canadian cures him of a long illness.		p.	315
Cross planted at Cap de la Heve.		p.	216
Cross.planted at the Port of St. Sauveur.		p.	226
Hazel trees very abundant in Canada.		p.	31
Counibas country uninhabitable on account of the cold. [page 135]		p.	21
D
Dead men buried with their bags, skins, arrows, and other possessions, and Presents from their friends.		p.	92
Devil familiar to Membertou while yet a Pagan.		p.	95
Devil tormenting the Canadians before the coming of the French.		p.	95
God, among the Canadians, is known by the same name as the Sun.		p.	96
Ten thousand people only in all the lands of Canada.		p.	73
Right of property in Canada evidenced by the possession of the dog and of the bag.		p.	51
Dead kindred or friends mourned by smearing the face with black.		p.	90
Du Pont the younger reconciled to sieur de Potrincourt at the request of Father Biard.		pag.	147
Du Pont the younger, reconciled to sieur de Potrincourt, confesses, and receives the Easter Sacrament on the seashore, to the great edification of those present.		p.	148
Du Pont loses his ship and recovers it at the request of Father Biard.		p.	148
Du Pont the younger employed to translate the Catechism into the Canadian language.		p.	175
Du Pont the younger takes into his ship part of the French of St. Sauveur.		p.	256
E
Large families the strength of Canadian Sagamores.		p.	62
Canadian child sick unto death cured by Baptism.		p.	318
Canadian smelts taken in March.		p.	45
Smelt, a little fish like a Sardine. [page 137]		p.	213
Second chase for Elk and Beaver in October and November.		p.	47
Elk are captured in the second chase in October and November.		p.	47
Canadian husband gives to his father-in-law, instead of receiving from him.		p.	61
Rubbing and vapor-baths used in Canada for the health.		p.	77
Sturgeon are caught in April.		p.	45
Eteminquois, Montaguets, Souriquois, allies of the French in Canada.		p.	33
Excomminquois, enemies of the French in Canada, on account of the Basques.		p.	34
F
Fæal, one of the Islands of the Açores.		p.	287
Canadian women bear the burdens of the household, and are in a worse condition than chambermaids.		p.	62
Canadian women modest.		p.	66
Canadian women badly treated by their husbands.		p.	65
Canadian women not fruitful on account of their continual hardships.		p.	72
Fleurs-de-lis erased in Canada by the English.		p.	271
Hay in Canada as high as a man.		p.	26
French of St. Sauveur accused of being outlaws and .pirates, because they could not produce their commission, which had been seized by the English.		p.	239
New France is owned by the French exclusive of the English.		p.	320
French have taught the use of poison and other evils to the Canadians.		p.	68
French ought to undertake the cultivation of [page 139] Canada.		p.	331
French in danger of ruin among the Armouchiquois, on account of a suspicion based upon appearances.		p.	178
French justly assume to overrule the claims of the English in new France.		p.	320
New France is an interminable forest.		p.	4
New France, Western part of America.		p.	1
New France discovered in the year 1504, by the Bretons.		p.	2
French Bretons the first discoverers of new France.		p.	2
New France, why it ought to be cultivated by the French.		p.	331
G
Masses of ice, wonderfully large, drifted a hundred leagues into the sea through the rivers.		p.	139
Boys, or those not yet married, can acquire nothing for themselves, but for their Sagamore.		p.	51
Gilbert du Thet, Jesuit, killed by the English at St. Sauveur.		p.	241
Leggings and shoes of the Canadians.		p.	39
Wars of the Canadians are carried on by strategy.		p.	55
H
Inhabitants of the lands of Canada, ten thousand in all.		p.	73
Inhabitants of St. Malo very charitable towards the French returning from Canada.		p.	258
Clothes of the Canadians made of hairy skins.		p.	39
Herring fishing in April.		p.	45
Trousers are not used in Canada.		p.	29
Henry IIII. is angry because sieur de Potrincourt does not hasten to Canada. [page 141]		p.	125
Henry IIII, King of France, appoints the Jesuits to Canada.		p.	123
Henry Membertou, being sick, dies at Port Royal in a very Christian Manner.		p.	162
Pot herbs very large and good in Canada.		p.	27
Huguenot of Dieppe notices the marvelous cure of a Canadian Woman.		p.	314
Seal oil the Canadian sauce the year round.		p.	43
I
Jaques Cartier explores Canada in new France in the years 1524 and 1534.		p.	4
Jean Denys, of Honfleur, goes to new France in the year 1506.		p.	3
Jean Verazan takes possession of new France in the name of Francis I, King of France.		p.	3
Jesuit prisoners in England receive honorable visits from the inhabitants of the place.		p.	296
Jesuits exhort the Canadians, baptized before they came to Canada, to discard Polygamy, and what they answer thereto.		p.	111
Jesuits do not wish to baptize the adults until they have been properly instructed for which they are unjustly slandered.		p.	110, 111, 112
Jesuits try to change into the Canadian tongue the principles of the Faith, but suitable words for this purpose cannot be found.		p.	112
Jesuits do not baptize aged persons unless they are properly catechized, and with very good reason.		p.	114
Jesuits appointed to Canada by King Henry IIII.		p.	123
Jesuits excluded from entering a ship, out of regard for the Calvinists.		p.	134
Jesuits sail for Canada in January, 1611. [page 143]		p.	138
Jesuits arrive at Port Royal in June, 1611.		p.	149
Jesuits acquitted of slander by the evidence of Calvinists themselves.		p.	142
Jesuits study the Canadian language, but the Canadians do not serve them faithfully.		p.	151, 152
Jesuits are prevented from making progress in the Canadian language by the very ones who ought to aid them.		p.	154
Jesuits do not wish to consent that Membertou be buried with his infidel ancestors.		p.	161
Jesuits build with their own hands a boat, to go in search of food in time of famine.		p.	210
Jesuits gather the Chiquebi root, and fish for Smelts and Herring in time of famine.		p.	213
Jesuits and other French of St. Sauveur are taken to Virginia.		p.	260
Jesuits save the English, who hold them prisoners, from the hands of the Spaniards.		p.	289
Jesuits are carried from the Açores Islands to Wales, a Province of England.		p.	292
Jesuits place in the hands of sieur de Biencourt, in his need, all their provisions, to nourish him and his people.		p.	209
Jesuits are withdrawn from Port Royal, and taken to the Island of Pemetiq, to establish a new settlement.		p.	219
Jesuits, produced as witnesses in England, for the justification of the Captain who holds them prisoners, deliver him from suspicion.		p.	293
Jesuit prisoners’ expenses in Wales very kindly paid by the Judge of the place.		p.	295
Jesuits of Canada, prisoners in England, liberated and sent to Calais. [page 145]		p.	298
Ingrés, that is English, hated by the Canadians.		p.	35
Long Island, ten leagues from French Bay.		p.	254
K
Kadesquit, a port of Acadia, intended as a new residence for the French.		p.	221
Kebec settlement, founded by Champlain.		p.	121
Kinibequi, a river near the Armouchiquois, seventy leagues from port Royal.		p.	176
L
The Marquise de Guercheville given the grant of Canada, with the exception of port Royal.		p.	190
Canadian Language very weak in expressing an infinite number of very ordinary things.		p.	151
The Marquise enters into a partnership in the affairs of port Royal with sieur de Potrincourt.		p.	188
La Motte, Lieutenant of la Saussaye.		p.	223
Sieur de Potrincourt goes to Canada and has a number of the Savages baptized as quickly as possible.		p.	126
La Motte, a French Gentleman, prisoner with the Jesuits of Canada, set at liberty.		p.	301
Different languages among the tribes of Canada.		p.	54
Rabbits and hares rather scarce in Canada.		p.	46
The Queen gives to the Jesuits five hundred écus for the Canadian voyage.		p.	130
Vegetables grow very large and are good in Canada.		p.	27
Sieur de Potrincourt borrows some provisions from his French neighbors, and makes them recognize his son as Vice-admiral.		p.	146
Sieur de Potrincourt returns from Canada to France a month after he had come to reprovision port Royal. [page 147]		p.	149
Louys Membertou, Sagamore, makes Tabagie for fifteen Frenchmen of saint Sauveur returning to France.			255
Seals are caught in abundance in January.			42
Seal, fish which breeds upon the Islands in Canada.			43
Otters are hunted chiefly in February an March.			43
Doleful howls at the death of Canadians.			90
Moons. The Canadians arrange their hunting and fishing by Moons.			42
M
Madame la Marquise de Guercheville zealous in the affairs of Canada.			127
Madame de Guercheville defrays the expenses of the Jesuits on their journey to Canada.			130
Madame de Guercheville devises an expedient to exclude the Calvinists from the ship in which did not wish to admit the Jesuits.			135
Madame de Guercheville raises a fund for a continual income in Canada, to maintain the Jesuits there.			137
Madame de Sourdis furnishes the Jesuits with the linen for Canada.			130
Madame la Marquise de Vernueil furnishes the Jesuits with the Ecclesiastical robes and other utensils, for Canada.			130
Magazines of the Canadians are bags of provisions hung to a tree.			71
Magicians very common in Canada.			94
Magistrates of Virginia decide to ruin all the places of the French in Canada, to plunder their ships, and to send the people, back to France. [page 149]			264
Sick people cruelly treated in Canada.
Sick people who are slow to die, smothered by pouring a quantity of cold water upon their stomachs.			85
Sick person having made his will without giving anything, himself receives gifts.			89
Marshal of Virginia wishes to have the French of saint Sauveur hanged.			261
Marriages, how arranged among Canadians.			61
Matachias, chains, and adornments of Canadian women.			37
Matachias, jewels, collected upon the graves of the women.			92
Medicines in use among the Canadians, vapor-baths and rubbing.			77
Membertou, both Sagamore and Autmoin.			54
Membertou had only one wife at a time, even when a Pagan, considering Polygamy both wicked and inconvenient.			65
Membertou and his son withdrawn from the hands of the Autmoin, who had pronounced their illnesses fatal.			87
Membertou called "the Captain" after his death.			93
Membertou, of all the Canadians who were baptized, profited by his baptism.			109
Membertou the first Sagamore to be baptized.			158
Membertou lodged and cared for by the Jesuits in their cabin up to the time of his death.			158
Membertou asks to be buried with his fathers; the Jesuits urge that this would be contrary to Christianity; he insists for some time, then finally yields.			160, 162
Membertou wishes to be well instructed, to make himself a Preacher of the Gospel. [page 151]			163
Membertou advises Father Enemond, who is sick, to write to Biencourt, that they did not kill him, but that he died of illness.			202
Mementos of France effaced in Canada, by English.			265, 271
Merville, Captain of St. Malo, being a prisoner, Performs all the duties of a good Christian.			173
Meuano, Island at the mouth of French Bay.			254
Mine of silver at Baye sainte Marie, in Canada.
Mine of iron at the river St. John.			32
Mines of copper at port Royal and Bay of mines.			32
Mocosa, the mainland in which the Virginia of the English is situated.			227
Months. Every month of the year in Canada has an abundance of fish or game, or both.
Montaguets, Souriquois, Etechemins, allies of the French in Canada.			34
Mount desert, Island, called Pemetiq.			219
Dead people buried in a sitting posture, the knees against the stomach, the head upon the knees.			91
Codfish abound near the seacoast from the beginning of May until the middle of September.			45
N
Mats of reeds, well woven, and very fine protect the cabins from rain.			42
Ship arrives very opportunely for those at port Royal in their great need.			186
Ship captured from the French of St. Sauveur, commanded by Turnel, an Englishman, is carried by the wind to the Açores Islands of the crown of Spain.			281
Ship of la Saussaye arrives in Canada. [page 153]			216
Nicolas Adams, Judge, of Pembroch in England kind to the captive Jesuits.			295
Nuts abundant upon the banks of the river saint John.			31
Names of the dead changed after they are buried.			9
Nuptials of the Canadians with solemn Tabagie songs, and dances.			62
Norembegua, country of Canada, as good as France.			26
Norembegua and Acadia, countries of new France.			4
Normans went to new France in the year 1500, two years after the Bretons.			3
New France separated from Guienne by eight hundred or one thousand leagues of the sea.
New France, the western part of America.			1
O
Eggs Of marine birds of prey abundant in Canada.			45
White and grey geese, birds of passage in Canada.			46
Marine birds of prey cover the Islands of Canada with their eggs.			45
Native birds and birds of passage rare in Canada birds of prey common.			46
Anointing with Seal oil used in Canada against heat and cold.			77
The season for moose is in February and March.			43
Bears good to eat in Canada in the months of February and March.			43
Bustards, or wild Ducks, are taken in April.			45
Bustards, birds of passage in Canada.			46
P
Pembroke, the principal city of Wales in England.			292
Pentegoët river has a Sagamie along its banks. [page 155]			53
Pencoït, Islands twenty-five leagues from saint Sauveur.			228
Gray partridges with large tails, in Canada.			46
Father Enemond Massé goes to live with Membertou to learn the Canadian language.			200
Father Enemond Massé, one of fifteen sent by the English to France in a shallop.			252
Father Biard keeps with him a Canadian, to learn from him the language of the savages.			201
Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé appointed to Canada.			129
Father Biard refuses to disclose to the English the position of sainte Croix, for which he is in danger of losing his life.			264
Father Biard runs the risk of being cast upon a desert land, or into the sea, through the suspicions of the English.			268
Father Biard proves satisfactorily to the English Captain, that the French of St. Sauveur are under the protection of the King of France.		p.	244
Fish abundant from May to the middle of September.		p.	45
Continuous fishing for different kinds of fish from the middle of March until October.		p.	44, 45, 46
Tobacco used among the Canadians as a protection against bad weather, famine, and other evils.		p.	78
Tribes of Canada, only three are allies of the French.		p.	34
Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts, Lieutenant of Henry IIII. in new France.		p.	5
Pilotois, Medicine man and sorcerer.		p.	80
French Pilot, a Calvinist, shows great friendliness to the Jesuit prisoners of the English.		p.	245
Plastrier acknowledges sieur de Biencourt. [page 157]			157
Amusing talk of Louys Membertou with Father Enemond Massé, when he was ill.			202
Ponamo, a fish of Canada, spawns under the ice in December.		p.	47
Port Royal and Sainte Croix, two stations established by sieur de Monts, in new France.		p.	8
Port Royal in the form of a Peninsula.		p.	24
Puritan makes all the trouble he can for the Jesuits.		p.	268
Port Royal badly provisioned for the Winter, on account of the great number of persons.		p.	144
Port aux Coquilles, twenty-one leagues from Port Royal.			155
Port au Mouton.			255
Port Royal burned by the English.			271
Port Royal, on what conditions ceded to sieur de Potrincourt by sieur de Monts.			122
Port Royal, defenseless, is lost to the French, an pillaged and burned by the English.			266
Port of St. Sauveur newly called by this name, an intended as a new habitation for the French.			220
Port of St. Sauveur very spacious, and protected from the wind.			225
Presage of evil in a phenomenon appearing in the heavens.			167
Property of the Canadians lies in the possession a dog and a bag.			51
Provisions for Port Royal badly managed at Dieppe and in the ship.			194
Pyramids of poles upon the tombs of the grandee of Canada.			92
R
Root, Chiquebi, resembles truffles.			213
Reasons why the French ought to cultivate Canada. [page 159]			331
Religion of the Canadians, pure sorcery.			93
Rivers, and many arms of the sea, make Canada much colder.			24
Robe of the Autmoins, sacred and precious.			96
Roland, a Sagamore, and others give bread to the French of St. Sauveur.			255
S
Sack, arrows, skins, dogs, and other property of the deceased buried with him.			92
Sagamie on the banks of Sainte Croix.			53
Sagamie on the banks of the river St. John.			53
Sagamochin, little Sagamore.			52
Sagamore is the chief and Captain of some powerful family.			51
Sagamores acknowledged by their subjects by paying a tax of game and of fish.			51
Sagamies divided according to the extent of the Bays and river Banks.			53
Sagamores hold State Councils in Summer.			53
Sagamores and Autmoins alone have a voice in the public assemblies.			53, 54
Sagamores of the Armouchiquois very opportunely withdraw their people from the French ship to avoid a quarrel.			179
Saint John, a river of Canada.			31
Saint John, a river which is very dangerous at its mouth.			165
Saint Lawrence, a river whose drift ice extends far out into the open sea.			139
Saint Sauveur, a settlement of the French in Canada, in the land of Norembegua.			19
Saint Sauveur, a port so named recently, on the coast of Acadia, intended for a new settlement. [page 161]			229
Saint Sauveur, taken and pillaged by the English.			237
St. Sauveur burned by the English.			265
Sainte Croix is in the country of the Eteminquois.			7
Sainte Croix, an Island in new France, first residence of sieur de Monts, Lieutenant for the King.			7
Sainte Croix, an Island of the river, six leagues from port aux Coquilles.			156
Saussaye arrives in Canada to establish a new settlement, and take the Jesuits from port Royal.			215
Saussaye, Captain, in amusing himself too much with the cultivation of the land, neglects the construction of buildings, and causes the loss of St. Sauveur.			226
Saussaye, Captain of St. Sauveur, cannot produce the letters containing his Commission, these having been secretly appropriated by the English.			239
Saussaye, Captain, sent back to France by the English with fourteen Frenchmen.			252
Schoudon, Sagamore, called "the Father" after his death.			93
Scurvy, or land disease, common in Canada.			14
Sepulchres of the Canadians arched over with sticks, with earth on top.			92
Soissons. The Prince de Soissons, Governor of Canada.			330
Shoes and leggings of the Canadians.			39
Souriquois, Montaguets, and Etechemins, allies of the French in Canada.			34
T
Tabagie, a Canadian banquet.			46
Tabagie from the provisions of a sick man who has made his will.			89
Testament of the Canadians before death. [page 163]			88
Thomas Aubert, Norman, goes to new France in the year 1508.			2
Thomas Deel, English Marshal in Virginia, a man very severe to the French captives.			261, 300
Thomas Robin associated with sieur de Potrincourt in the affairs of Canada.			127
Turtles abundant in December.			47
Trade in the skins of Beavers, Elks, Martens, and seals, in Summer.			33
Three tribes allied with the French in Canada.			34
Turnel, English Captain, has his love for Father Biard changed into hate, and why.			276
Turnel, English Lieutenant, suspected by his Captain, for having conferred with Father Biard.			267
Turnel, English Captain, carried against his will to the lands of Spain, becomes reconciled to the Jesuits, in order to have their favor.			282
V
Bladders of moose skin in which to keep the seal oil.			43
Vible Bullot receives in his ship a part of the French of St. Sauveur.			256
Virginia. A fort of the English on the mainland of Mocosa, 250 leagues from St. Sauveur.			227
Vine, wild, in many places in Canada, which ripens in its season.			31
END.

License.

ICHEL COYSSARD, Vice-provincial of the Society of Jesus, in the Province of Lyons, permits, (according to the License granted by the most Christian Kings to the same Society) to Louys Muguet to have printed, and to sell, the Relation of new France in Canada, and this for the term of four years. Done at Lyons, this 23rd of January, 1616.

M. COYSSARD.

[page 167]

XV–XVII

Three Letters by Charles Lalemant

XV.—Au Sievr de Champlain; Kebec, Juillet 28, 1625

XVI.—Au R. P. Prouincial des RR. Pères Recollects; Kebec, Juillet 28, 1625

XVII.—Epistola ad Præpositum Generalem; Nova Francia, Augustus 1, [1626]

 

Source: Documents XV. and XVI., are reprinted from Sagard's Histoire du Canada (Paris, 1636), pp. 868–870. In Document XVII., we follow Father Felix Martin's apograph (now in the Archives of St. Mary's College, Montreal) of the original Latin MS. in the Archives of the Gesù, Rome.

[page 169]

Letter from the Reverend Father Charles Lallemant,{20} Superior of the Missions in Canada, to Sieur de Champlain.

[868]

IR,

Thanks to God, here we are in the district of your Lieutenancy, where we arrived

after having one of the most successful voyages [869] ever yet experienced. Monsieur the General,{21} after having told us that it was impossible to give us lodging either in the settlement or in the fort, and that we must either return to France, or withdraw to the Recollect Fathers{22} obliged us to accept the latter offer. The Fathers received us with so much charity, that we feel forever under obligations to them. Our Lord will be their reward. One of our Fathers, together with the Recollect Father who came from France,{23} went to the trading station{24} with the intention of going to the Hurons or to the Hiroquois, as they should think best after consulting Father Nicolas, who was to be at this station to confer with them. But it happened that poor Father Nicolas was drowned in the last of the rapids,{25} for which reason the returned, as they knew no one there, and had no knowledge of the language or of the country. We are therefore awaiting your arrival, to determine what it will be well to do. You will hear all you wish to know of this country from Father Joseph,{26} therefore I am content to assure you that I am,

Sir, Your very affectionate servant,

Charles Lalemant.

Kebec, this 28th of July, 1625.

[page 171]

Letter from the Reverend Father Charles Lallemant, Superior of the Missions of Canada, to the Reverend Father Provincial of the Reverend Recollect Fathers.

Y REVEREND FATHER:

The peace of Christ be with you.

It would be altogether too ungrateful not to write to your Reverence to thank you, both for the letters which were recently written in our behalf to the Fathers who are here in [870] new France, and for the kindness which we have received from these Fathers, who have placed us under everlasting obligations to them. I pray our good Lord that he may be an ample recompense for both. As to me, I write to our Superiors that I am so grateful for this that I shall lose no opportunity to show my appreciation of it; and I implore them, although they are already very much attached to your Fathers, to express the same gratitude to all your holy Order. Father Joseph will tell your Reverence the purpose of his voyage,{27} for the success of which we shall not cease to offer prayers and sacrifices to God. The affairs of our Master must be advanced in earnest this time, and nothing must be omitted which may be deemed necessary. I have written to all of those who, I thought, could contribute to this enterprise, and who, I believe, will occupy the selves with it, the affairs of France permitting. I do not doubt that ),our Reverence will take an interest in the work, and thus virtus unita will achieve good results. In awaiting our success, I commend [page 173] myself to the holy Sacrifices of your Reverence, of whom I am,

Kebec, this 28th of July,

1625.

The very humble servant,

Charles Lalemant.

To my Reverend Father, the Father Provincial

of the Reverend Recollect Fathers.

[page 175]

Letter from Father Charles Lalemant, Superior of the Missions of Canada, to the Very Reverend Father Mutio Vitelleschi,{28} General of the Society of Jesus, at Rome.

(Transcribed by Father Felix Martin from the original Latin MS., Preserved in the Archives of the Gesù, Rome.)

 

ERY REVEREND FATHER IN CHRIST:

The peace of Christ be with you.

Your Paternity need not be surprised to have received no letters from us during the year since our last; for we are so remote from the seacoast that we are visited only once a year by French vessels, and then only by those to whom navigation hither is allowed, for to others it is interdicted; So that, if by any mischance those merchant ships should be wrecked, or be taken by pirates,{29} we could look to Divine providence alone for our daily bread. For from the savages, who have scarcely the necessaries of life for themselves, nothing is to be hoped; but he who has hitherto provided for the needs of the French, who have dwelt here so many years only with a view to temporal gain, will not abandon his faithful ones who seek only the glory of God and the salvation of souls. During the past year we have devoted ourselves almost entirely to learning the dialect of the savages, excepting a month or two spent in cultivating the soil, in order to obtain such slight means of subsistence as we could. Father Jean Brebeuf,{30} a pious and prudent man, and of a robust [page 177] constitution, passed the sharp winter season among the savages, acquiring a very considerable knowledge of this strange tongue. We, meantime, learning from interpreters who were very unwilling to communicate their knowledge, made as much progress as we could hope, contrary to the expectation of all. But these are only the rudiments of two languages ; many more remain. For the languages are multiplied with the number of the tribes; and this land, extending so far in every direction, is inhabited by at least fifty different tribes, truly an immense field for our zeal. The harvest is great, the laborers are few; but they have, by God's grace, a courage undaunted by any obstacles, although the promise of success is not yet very great, so rude and almost brutish are the natives. We have, truly, this one consolation, that God in his goodness and power, in the distribution of his rewards will not so much consider our success as our good will and our efforts. Provided only that our desires, such as they may be, be pleasing in his sight, we shall have no reason for deeming our efforts misspent. Our labors this year have had no further fruit than a knowledge of the country, of the natives, and of the dialects of two tribes, if the savages alone be considered. As regards the French, whose number does not exceed forty-three, we have not been negligent. We have heard their general confessions, relating to their whole past life, after first holding an exhortation on the necessity of this confession. Each month, moreover, we have preached two sermons to them. To these efforts the following year will add still greater ones, if God help and promote our enterprise as he has done hitherto. [page 179]

We are, God be thanked, all well ¼ ¼ ¼ Hardly one of us uses bed-linen when he sleeps. All our time that is not devoted to seeking the salvation of our fellow-men and of ourselves is occupied in tilling the soil. Far greater would be our growth in virtue, if another of Our Brothers were not more desirable as superior. This it is easy for Your Paternity to remedy, as I feel myself far better fitted for obedience than for command. I truly hope that Your Paternity, from whom I ask it with all possible submission, will grant me this, and will not longer hinder, for lack of this remedy, the eagerness of our brethren to increase their virtues. Some workmen have been sent to us this year from France, to construct the first dwelling of the Society here, which we considered as quite indispensable on account of our French, who settle here and nowhere else. Others will be built later among other tribes from whom we expect greater results. To those that have fixed settlements we shall in a short time send one of our number or rather two; Father Jean de Brebeuf and Father Anne de Noue.{31}] If their mission is successful, a most promising field will be opened for the Gospel. They must be taken there by the savages, for they can not use any other boatmen. With consent of his superiors, Father Philibert Noyrot{32} returns to France to promote as hitherto the interests of our enterprise. He stands in need of the influence of Your Paternity in order to negotiate freely with those who have charge of our affairs. Our own Fathers at Paris, for some reason, put difficulties in our way, and seem rather unfriendly to our mission; so that, but for the favor of Father Cotton,{33} of blessed memory, our affairs would have fallen to the ground ¼ ¼ ¼ [page 181] As Father Noyrot is to return at the beginning of spring, another of our members will be absolutely necessary at Paris, or at Rouen, to fill his place and to look after our interests, sending us yearly what supplies we need, and receiving our letters, if Your Paternity so decide. There thus remain seven of us here; four priests, Father Enemond Massé,{34} as admonitor and confessor, Father Jean de Brebeuf, Father Anne de Noue, and myself; and three lay brothers, Gilbert Burel, Jean Goffestre, and François Charreton, all of us ready to undertake any labors whatsoever for the glory of God. We all commend ourselves to the Most Holy Sacrifices of Your Paternity.

Your Paternity's most humble son

Charles Lalemant.

New France,

August 1st.

[page 183]

XVII

Charles Lalemant’s

Lettre au Hierosme lAllemant

Kebec, Aouƒt 1, 1626

Paris: JEAN BOUCHER, 1627

————————————

Source: Title-page and text reprinted from original inLenox Library.

LETTER

FROM FATHER

CHARLES

L'ALLEMANT

SUPERIOR OF THE MIS-

sion of the Canadas; of

the Society of Jesus.

Sent to Father Jerome l'Allemant, his brother,.

of the same Society

In which are contained the manners and

customs of the Savages inhabiting that

country; and on what terms they

live with the French Chris-

tians who reside there.

Together with the description of the towns of

that country.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

P A R I S ,

Jean Boucher, ruë des Amandiers

Verité Royale. 1627.

[page 189]

[1 i.e., 3] Letter{35} from Father Charles L'Allemant, Superior of the Mission of Canadas, of the Society of Jesus. To Father Jerome l'Allemant, his brother.{36}

The peace of Christ be with you.

AST year (about the middle of July) I wrote to Your Reverence in regard to the success of our voyage. I have not been able to communicate with you since then, because the ships touch here only once a year; and therefore news can be expected from us only from year to year. And if these ships. failed once, it would not be surprising if you did not receive news before two years; besides, during the intervening year we should be obliged to look entirely to the providence of God for the necessaries of life. Now, since my last letters, the following is what I have been able to learn about this country, and what has been done here. This country is of vast extent, being easily a thousand or twelve hundred leagues long, and in width extending about 40 degrees toward the Orient. It is bounded by the Ocean sea, and towards the West by the sea of China. Many Tribes inhabit it, about 38 or 40 having been named to me, besides those which are unknown; of the existence of which, however, the Savages assure us. The place inhabited by the French, called Kebec, is in 46 and one-half degrees, upon the shore of one of the most beautiful rivers in the world, called by the French the river saint Lawrence. [page 191] Kebec is about two hundred leagues from the mouth of this river, and yet the tide ascends 35 or 40 leagues above us. [4] The narrowest part of this river is opposite the settlement, and yet its width here is more than one-fourth of a league. Now although the country where we are, being in latitude about 46 and one-half degrees, is farther South than Paris by nearly two degrees, yet the Winter generally lasts here 5 months and a half; the snow is 3 or 4 feet deep, but it is so firm that it does not usually melt until near the middle of April, and it always begins in the month of November. During all this time the earth is never seen; indeed our Frenchmen have even told me that they dragged their maypole over the snow on the first day of May, in the very year of our arrival, and that with snowshoes; for it is the custom in this country to walk on snowshoes during the winter, for fear of sinking into the snow, in imitation of the Savages; who never go otherwise to hunt the moose. The mildest Winter that has been seen is the one that we have passed here (say the Old inhabitants), and yet the snow began to fall on the 16th of November and to melt towards the end of March. The long duration of the snow might cause one to somewhat doubt whether wheat and rye would grow well in this country. But I have seen some as beautiful as that produced in your France, and even that which we have planted here yields to it in nothing. To better provide against scarcity, it would be well to plant some meslin;{37} rye and oats grow here the best in the world, the grains being larger and more abundant than in France. Our peas are so beautiful; it is wonderful to see them. So the earth is not ungrateful (as your Reverence may see.) The farther up the [page 193] River we go, the more we see of the fertility of the soil. The prevailing winds in this country are the Northeast, Northwest, and Southwest. The Northeast brings the snows in Winter, and the rains in other seasons. The Northwest is so cold that it penetrates even to the marrow of the bones; yet the Sky is very serene when it blows. From the mouth of the River to this place, none of the land is cleared, there being nothing but forests. This Tribe does not occupy itself in tilling the soil; there are Only 3 or 4 families who have cleared 2 or 3 acres, where they sow Indian corn, and they have been doing this for only a short time. I have been told that it was the Reverend Recollect Fathers who persuaded them to do it. That cultivated by the French in this place is of small area, only 18 or 20 acres [5] at the most.{38} Two hundred leagues from here, ascending the River, Tribes are found which are more sedentary than those which are here; they build large villages which they fortify against their enemies, and cultivate the land in earnest. It thus happens that they have stores of Indian corn, and do not die of starvation like those here. Yet they are more savage in their customs, and commit all kinds of shameless acts, without disgrace or any attempt at concealment. Now, although this River takes us to these Tribes, yet truly the difficulty in getting there is very great, on account of the rapids which are found in the River; (these are certain falls of water which entirely prevent navigation.) Therefore, when the Savages reach these rapids, they are compelled to carry their boats upon their shoulders with all their baggage, and to go overland, sometimes 2, 3, 4, or 8 leagues; and the French have to do the same when they go there. The Reverend Recollect Fathers made [page 195] this journey occasionally and carried all their food for a year, or the means of buying it; for to expect the Savages to give it to you is folly, unless they have taken you under their protection, and you wish to live in their villages and cabins; then they would feed you for nothing. But who could make up his mind to do this? Religious eyes could not support the sight of so much lewdness, carried on openly. Therefore, the Reverend Recollect Fathers were compelled to build their cabins apart; but they also, on that account, had to buy their food. There has been no Religious among these Tribes this year. When we arrived here last year, there was one Recollect Father who came with the Savages to the trading station, 35 leagues above this settlement; but when coming down the last of the rapids, his canoe upset and he was drowned.{25} In descending the river, the Savages do not land on reaching the rapids, but only in going up. Thus the rapids make these Tribes difficult of access. Although there have been no Religious among these Tribes, the merchants have not failed to send Frenchmen there to gain the good will of the Savages, and to induce them to come yearly to the trading station. As a consequence, these Frenchmen have not heard Mass during the entire year, have not confessed nor taken the Easter Sacrament, and their surroundings are such that there are frequent opportunities for sin. Quæritur: can they conscientiously go thither under these circumstances? Your [6] Reverence will do me the favor to consult some one of our Fathers, to know his decision and to write to me about it.

As to the customs of the Savages, it is enough to say that they are altogether savage. From morning [page 197] until night they have no other thought than to fill their stomachs. They come to see us only to ask for something to eat; and if you do not give it to them they show their dissatisfaction. They are real beggars, if there ever were any, and yet proud as they can be. They consider the French less intelligent than they. Vices of the flesh are very common among them. One of them will marry several women, and will leave them when he pleases, and take others. There is one here who married his own daughter, but all the other Savages were indignant at him for it. As to cleanliness among them, that never enters into the question; they are very dirty about their eating, and in their cabins they are covered with vermin, which they eat when they catch them. It is a custom of this Tribe to kill their fathers and mothers when they are so old that they can walk no longer, thinking that they are thus doing them a good service; for otherwise they would be compelled to die of hunger, as they have become unable to follow the others when they change their location. When I had it explained to one of them one day that the same thing would be done for him when he became old, he answered that he certainly expected it. Their method of making war against their enemies is generally through treachery, watching to find them alone; and, if they are not strong enough to make prisoners of those whom they encounter, they shoot them with their arrows, then cut off their heads, which they bring back to show their people. But, if they can take them to their cabins as prisoners, they subject them to unparalleled cruelties, killing them by inches; and, strange to say, during all of these tortures, the victim sings constantly, considering it a [page 199] dishonor if he cries out or complains. After the victim is dead, they eat him, and no one is so insignificant that he does not get his share. They have feasts to which they invite each other, and even some of their French acquaintances; at these feasts they give to each one his part on a dish or plate of bark; and when they are "eat-all" feasts, nothing must be left, otherwise you would be compelled to pay something, and would lose your reputation as a brave [7] man. At the feasts which are given in honor of the death of some one, they set aside a part for the deceased as well as for the others, which they throw into the fire; they are very careful that the dogs shall not share in this feast, and to this end, they gather up all the bones and throw them into the fire. They bury the dead, and with them all their belongings, such as candlesticks, furs, knives, etc. When I asked an old man one day why they placed all this baggage in the grave, he replied that they did so in order that the deceased might use it in the other world; and when I answered him that when any one looked into the grave all the baggage was seen there, which was a proof that the deceased did not use it, he replied, that in truth the body of the kettles, furs, knives, etc., remained, but that the soul of the kettles, knives, etc., went off to the other world with the deceased, and that he made use of them there. Thus they believe (as Your Reverence sees) in the immortality of our Souls; and, in fact, they assure you that after death they go to Heaven, where they eat mushrooms and hold intercourse with each other. They call the Sun Jesus;{39} and it is believed that the Basques,{40} who formerly frequented these places, Introduced this name. It thus happens that when we [page 201] offer Prayers, it seems to them that we address our Prayers to the Sun, as they do. While on the subject of the Sun, the Savages here believe that the earth is pierced through and through; and that, when the sun sets, it hides in one hole in the earth, and comes out next morning through the other. They have no form of divine worship, nor any kind of Prayers. They believe, however, that there is One who made all, but they do not render him any homage. Among them there are persons who make a profession of talking to the Devil; these are also the Physicians, and cure all kinds of diseases. The Savages have great fear of these people, and humor them lest they do them some injury. Little by little we shall learn more of the other Tribes, who are more sedentary in their habits; but, as to these where we now are with the French, they are wanderers only during six months of the year, which are the six Winter months, roving here and there, according as they may find game, only two or three families erecting their cabins together in one place, two or three in another, and so on. The other [8] six months of the year, twenty or thirty come together upon the shore of the River near our settlement, part at Thadoussac, and the same number forty leagues above us; and there they live upon the game which they have captured during the Winter; that is to say, on smoked moose meat, and food for which they have traded with the French. I believe I wrote something about their clothing last year, and how they always go bare-headed; they wear no other clothes than a moose skin or a Beaver robe, which consists of 5 or 6 Beaver Skins sewed together; and they wear these skins as, without making any comparison, the Ecclesiastics wear their [page 203] Capes, attached in front only by a leather strap. Sometimes they wear a belt, sometimes none at all, and nevertheless nothing improper is noticed on that account, as they very modestly cover the parts which decency demands should be covered. In Winter they have leggings and shoes made of moose skin, but the shoes, the uppers as well as the soles, are as pliable as a glove. Their faces are usually painted red or grayish brown, and this is done in different styles, according to the fancy of the women, who paint their husbands and children, whose hair they also oil with bear or moose grease. The men are no more bearded than the women; they pull their beards out in order to be more agreeable to the women. I have seen only three or four who had not done so, and this but recently in imitation of the French; yet they did not have beards. The color of their skin is strongly inclined to black; not one is seen whose skin is white, and yet nothing is so white as their teeth. They go upon the rivers in light birch-bark canoes, very neatly made; the smallest of them can hold 4 or 5 persons and leave room for their little baggage. The oars are proportioned to the canoes, one at the bow and one at the stern; ordinarily, the woman holds the one at the stern, and consequently steers. These poor women are real pack mules, enduring all hardships. When delivered of a child, they go to the woods two hours later to replenish the fire of the cabin .{41} In the Winter, when they break camp, the women drag the heaviest loads over the snow; in short, the men seem to have as their share only hunting, war, and trading. Apropos of [9] trading, I have as yet said nothing, and it is also the last thing which remains to be said in regard to the Savages. [page 205] All of their wealth consists in the furs of different animals, but principally of the Beaver. Before the time of the association of those Gentlemen to whom the King gave this trade for a certain time in consideration of certain conditions mentioned in the Articles{21} the Savages were visited by many people, to such an extent that an Old Man told me he had seen as many as twenty ships in the port of Tadoussac. But now since this business has been granted to the association, which to-day has a monopoly over all others, we see here not more than two ships which belong to it, and that only once a year, about the beginning of the month of June. These two ships bring all the merchandise which these Gentlemen use in trading with the Savages; that is to say, the cloaks, blankets, nightcaps, hats, shirts, sheets, hatchets, iron arrowheads, bodkins, swords, picks to break the ice in Winter, knives, kettles, prunes, raisins, Indian corn, peas, crackers or sea biscuits, and tobacco; and what is necessary for the sustenance of the French in this country besides. In exchange for these they carry back hides of the moose, lynx, fox, otter, black ones being encountered occasionally, martens, badgers, and muskrats; but they deal principally in Beavers, in which they find their greatest profit. I was told that during one year they carried back as many as 22,000. The usual number for one year is 15,000 or 12,000, at one pistole each, which is not doing badly.{19} It is true their expenses are very heavy, as they keep here forty persons and more, who are paid and maintained; this in addition to the expense of the crews of two ships, which consist of at least 150 men, who receive their wages and food. These wages are not all the same. They are generally [page 207] 106 livres, but some receive a hundred écus. I know an Interpreter who receives one hundred pistoles, and a certain number of hides which he is permitted to carry away each year.{42} It is true that he trades them off as his own merchandise. Your Reverence will see him this year; he is one of those who have very effectively assisted us. Your Reverence will, if you please, give him a kind greeting; for he is going to return, and do great service here for Our Lord. It remains now [10] to tell your Reverence what we have done since our arrival in this country, which was the last of June. The months of July and August passed by, partly in writing letters, partly in getting a little acquainted with the country, and in seeking a proper place for our settlement, that we might show the Reverend Recollect Fathers that we desired to relieve them as soon as possible of the inconvenience which we caused them. After having carefully considered all the places, and after having consulted with the French people, and especially with the Reverend Recollect Fathers, we planted the holy Cross on the 1st day of September, with all possible solemnity, upon the place which we had chosen. The Reverend Recollect Fathers took part in the ceremony with the most prominent of the French, and after dinner all of them went to work. We have continued this work ever since, we five, uprooting trees and breaking the ground whenever we had time. The snow intervened, and we were compelled to give up our work until Spring. During the work, the thought of acquiring a knowledge of the language of this country was constantly in our minds; for it was said that we could expect nothing from the Interpreters. Nevertheless, after having commended the [page 209] matter to God, I made up my mind to speak to the Interpreter of this Tribe, saying to myself that at the worst, I could only be refused as the others had been. So, after having striven by my exhortations and our conversation to correct the impressions concerning our Society that exist in this country, can Your Reverence believe that we have found here the "Anti-Coton,"{43} which was circulated from chamber to chamber, and which was finally burned, about four months after our arrival? Having, I say, tried to give other impressions, I applied then to the Interpreter of this Tribe and begged him to teach us the language. Strange to say, he at once promised me that, during the winter, he would give me all the help that I could ask of him. Now in this a special providence of God must be admired, because it must be observed that the General{21} was ordered by his associates to send him back to France, or else to reduce his wages; and he [the interpreter] begged him so earnestly to return the same year that we arrived, that the General was compelled to use imperative authority, and to tell him that his wages would [11] not be reduced, to make him stay this year; and, in fact, he remained, to our great satisfaction. Secundo notandum; This Interpreter had never wanted to communicate his knowledge of the language to any one, not even to the Reverend Recollect Fathers, who had constantly importuned him for ten years; and yet he promised me what I have told you, the first time I urged him to do so, and he kept his promise faithfully during that Winter. However, as we did not feel certain that he would keep his word, and fearing the Winter would pass and we would make no progress in the language, I consulted [page 211] with our Fathers as to the propriety of two of us going to spend the Winter with the Savages, far into the depths of the forest, in order that, by constant association with them, we might gain the knowledge we sought. Our Fathers were of the opinion that it would be sufficient for one to go, and that the other ought to remain to attend to the spiritual needs of the French. So this good fortune fell to the lot of Father Brebeuf.{30} He left on the 20th of October and returned on the 27th of March, having been distant from us 20 or 25 leagues all the time. During his absence I reminded the Interpreter of his promise, which he did not fail to keep. I had hardly learned from him what I desired, when I determined to go and spend the remainder of the Winter with the first Savage who should come to see us. So I went off with one on the 8th of January, but I was compelled to return 11 days later; for, as they could not find enough for themselves to eat, they were compelled to come back to the French. As soon as I returned, I lost no time in urging the Interpreter of another Tribe to teach me what he knew; and I was astonished that he should do it so freely, as in the past he had been so reserved in regard to the Reverend Recollect Fathers. He gave us all that we asked for; it is quite true that we did not ask all that we would have wished; as we noticed in him a mind somewhat coarse, it would not have been to our advantage to have urged him beyond his depth. We were, however, highly pleased with what he gave us; and what is noteworthy, in order to better recognize the providence of God in this matter, this very Interpreter was to return to France the same year that we arrived, and this was to be done through the [page 213] intervention of the Recollect Fathers and through our influence, as we deemed it necessary for [12] the good of his soul; and in fact we carried the day over the head of the General of the fleet, who was resolved in any event to send him back to the Tribe whose Interpreter he was. So he arrived here where we are, with the French who were returning from the trading station, resolved to go back to France, the ships being on the point of leaving. The evening before his intended departure, he came to see us at the Reverend Recollect Fathers', to bid us Farewell. The great God showed his Providential designs very propitiously then; while he was with us he was taken with a severe attack of pleurisy and was put to bed, so nicely and comfortably, that the ships were obliged to go back without him, and by this means he remained with us, out of all danger of ruining himself; for it was the fear of this which had caused us to urge his return. You will readily understand that during his sickness we performed every act of charity for him. It suffices to say that, before he recovered from this sickness, in which he expected to die, he assured us that he was entirely devoted to us; and that if it pleased God to restore his health, the Winter would never pass by without his giving us assistance, a promise which he kept in every respect, thank God.

I have, perhaps, dwelt longer upon this than was necessary, but I am so pleased to relate the special acts of God's providence, as it seems to me every one must take pleasure in them; and in fact, if he had gone back to France that year, we would have made hardly any more progress than the Reverend Recollect Fathers did in 10 years. May God be praised for all! In this way we passed the greater part of the [page 215] winter. Besides these occupations, I, in my turn, have not failed to go, on holydays and Sundays, to say Mass for the French, to whom I have made an exhortation every time I have been there. Father Brebeuf did the same on his part; and, by the grace of God, we have made such progress that we have won the hearts of all the people of the settlement, and have induced most of them to make general confessions, and have lived on good terms with the Chief. About the middle of Lent, I ventured to ask the Captain to give us the Carpenters of the settlement to help us erect a little cabin at the place we had begun to clear away, and he very courteously granted my request. The carpenters asked for [13] nothing better than to work for us, and in fact they had previously given us their promise; so they worked with such good will, that, notwithstanding the unfavorableness of the weather and of the season (for there was still a foot and a half of snow), they had finished our cabin by Monday of Holy week; and besides, they had sawed over 250 planks, both for the roof and for the sides of the cabin, twenty rafters, and hewn over twenty-five large pieces necessary for the erection of the cabin. These are very happy beginnings, thank God; but, considering my imperfections still continue, I do not know how much progress will be made. Further, there is no security for our lives among these Savages. If a Frenchman has in some way offended them, they take revenge by killing the first one they meet, without any regard for favors which they may have received from the one whom they attack. If during the night they dream they must kill a Frenchman, woe to the first one whom they meet alone. They attach great faith to their dreams. Some of [page 217] them will tell you two days before the coming of a ship the hour of its arrival, and will give no other explanation except that they have seen it while asleep. These are reputed among them to have intercourse with the Devil. Their conversion will give us no little trouble. Their licentious and lazy lives, their rude and untutored minds, able to comprehend so little, the scarcity of words they have to explain our mysteries, never having had any form of divine worship, will tax our wits. And yet we do not lose courage, thank God; trusting in this truth, that God will not have so much regard to the fruits that we produce, as to our good will and the trouble we take; and besides, the greater the difficulty in their conversion, and the more distrust we have in ourselves, so much the greater will be our trust in God. If I can, I shall go among some of the other tribes; and, in that event, no further news need be expected from me, because I shall be so far away that it will be very hard to communicate with you; and if that should happen, I say farewell to you and to every one until we meet in Heaven. Do not forget the prayers for our souls, and make them from time to time. In any case when you remember us in your holy sacrifices, offer them up for such and such a one, living or dead. The help which has reached us from France is a good beginning for this Mission, but things [14] are not yet in such a condition that God can be faithfully served here. The heretic holds as complete dominion here as ever, and therefore I send back Father Noiroit, according to the permission that I have received from the Superiors, in order that he may finish what he has begun; he is the most capable one for this affair. If our Fathers wish the strengthening [page 219] and the success of this Mission, it is by all means proper that they should allow him to proceed.{32} He returns very much against his inclination, principally on account of his sufferings upon the sea. I send his companion{31} with Father Brebeuf, 300 leagues from here, to one of those tribes which has a permanent location. They will soon be there if they find Savages to conduct them, otherwise they will be obliged to return here; I am expecting news from them daily. I have just learned that they have gone. The Devil, who feared their approach, tried to play some of his tricks on them, for, when our Fathers had embarked, the Savages tried two or three times to make them go ashore, asserting that their canoes were too heavily loaded; but at last God triumphed over him, and the Savages were won by means of presents. If it please God to give success to this mission, it will open a way, so to speak, to an infinite number of tribes which have permanent settlements. I should have been very glad to be one of the party; but our Fathers did not deem it expedient, considering it well that I should remain here, both for the establishment of our little home and for the welfare of the French. Your Reverence will be astonished, perhaps, at my having sent Father Brebeuf who already had some knowledge of the language of this tribe; but the talents that God has given him influenced me, the fruits which are expected from those tribes being very different from those hoped for here. If it please God to bless their labors, we shall have great need of workers; the disposition on the part of the Savages is such that something good may be looked for. When the interpreter asked one of their Captains in my presence, if they would all [page 221] be glad if some one of us should go among them to teach them to know God, he answered that it was not necessary to ask that, that they desired nothing better; then, having examined the house of the Recollects where we were, he added that they indeed could not build us a stone house like that one; [15] "But ask them," said he to the interpreter, "if they will be satisfied upon their arrival to find a cabin made similar to ours." He could not manifest more affection for us than he did. Moreover, there was a drought in their country this year, and they attributed it to the fact that they had no Religious among them; all this gives us strong hopes. As to the people of this Tribe, I had them called together to say whether they wanted to be instructed, and to give us their children for the same purpose. They all answered that they did. They are waiting for us to build; and it is for us, in the meantime, to cultivate their affection and to learn their language. Meanwhile, I would request those who are interested in this country not to be disappointed if they do not promptly receive news of the hoped-for converts. The conversion of the Savages takes time. The first six or seven years will appear sterile to some; and, if I should say ten or twelve, I would possibly not be far from the truth. But is that any reason why all should be abandoned? Are not beginnings necessary everywhere? Are not preparations needed for the attainment of every object? For my part, I confess that, if God shows me mercy, although I expect no fruits as long as it will please him to preserve my life, provided that our labors are acceptable to him, and that he may be pleased to make use of them as a preparation for those who will come after us, I shall hold myself only too happy to employ [page 223] my life and my strength, and to spare nothing in my power, not even my blood, for such a purpose. However, if our Superiors do not think we should go farther, I am ready to submit to their will and to follow their judgment. A little Huron is going to see you; he longs to see France. He is very fond of us and manifests a strong desire to be instructed; nevertheless, his father and the Captain of the nation wishes to see him next year, assuring us that, if he is satisfied, he will give him to us for some years. It is of importance that he should be thoroughly satisfied; for, if this child is once instructed, it will open the way to many tribes where he will be very useful. And the return of the interpreter of that tribe to France is very opportune,- the Interpreter whom he loves so much, that he calls him his father. I pray our Lord to be pleased to bless his voyage. I also thank Your Reverence for the courage [16] you have given me. I have read your letters four or five times, and I have not been able to keep the tears from my eyes for several reasons; but especially in reflecting upon my imperfections (coram Deo loquor) which are far from the merit necessary for this vocation, and inspire me with grave fears that I am opposing the purposes of God's grace in the establishment of Christianity in this country. After that, I fear nothing. I beseech you, in the name of all you hold most dear in Heaven, not to become weary in appealing to the divine goodness, either to do me the favor of removing me from here, or, if my unworthiness is so great that I must yet be chastened, let it not be to the disadvantage of our poor Savages; let not my shortcomings prevent the effects of his mercy, nor my weak will be a hindrance to the order that his [page 225] goodness wishes to establish in this country. Our sympathetic relations with Father Joseph{26} are stronger than ever. He is the only Priest of his Order here, one having gone with our Fathers to the Hurons, and the other now returning to France; he has two good brothers with him. Mr. Champlain is always very kind to us, and has chosen me as his confessor. Gaumont has done the same, and I shall take special care of him, according to the recommendations of your Reverence. The advice which your Reverence gives me in regard to the dedication of our first Church, is in thorough harmony with my views. If the Superiors leave it to me, it will never be otherwise named than "N. Dame des Anges." Therefore I beg Your Reverence to send us a beautiful Picture surrounded by Angels. It is one of the great Fête days of the Recollect Fathers, who have dedicated their Chapel to St. Charles; the River upon which they and we live is called the river St. Charles, so called some time before our arrival. As to sending letters, I think I have -not passed over any one, either of our well-known benefactors or any of those who have written to me; and I confess to you that I am a little tired; this is the 68th, and it is not the last. May it please our good God that everything may be done here for his glory. Our Reverend Father Assistant manifests a great deal of affection for this Mission; I send him a map of this country. With assurances that I will be, during my life, of Your Reverence,

The very affectionate servant in Our Lord,

Charles l'Allemant.

Kebec, this 1st of

August, 1626.

[page 227]

XIX

Charles Lalemant’s

Lettre au R. P. Supérieur du Collége des Jésuites

à Paris

Bordeaux: Nouembre 22, 1629

 

Source: The Title-page and Avant-Propos follow O'Callaghan's Reprint, No. 3 ; but the Text has been compared with the original publication in Champlain's Voyages (Paris, 1632), part ii., pp. 275-279. The bracketed pagination in the Text is that of Champlain.

 

[page 229]

L E T T E R

from the Reverend

Father L'ALLEMAND,

Superior of the Mission of Jesuit Fathers,

in

NEW FRANCE

Sent from Bordeaux to the Reverend

Father Superior of the Jesuit College

at Paris,

and dated 22nd November, 1629.

 

 

 

 

Reprinted from the copy to be found in the Voyages of

Sieur Champlain.

PARIS,

M. DC. XXXII.

[page ]

Preface.

HE Reverend Father CHARLES LALLEMANT, who wrote the following Letter, entered the Society of Jesus at the age of twenty years. In 1613, he accompanied M. de la Saussaye to Pentagoüet.{44} Argal took .possession of this settlement, and Father Lallemant returned to France, whence he departedfor Canada in 1625. This was the first time that the Jesuit Fathers had entered that Country. Several years later, he was sent with Father Philibert Noyrot, Agent for the Mission, to France, to seek aid for the Colony; and, having secured the means to load a ship with supplies, they embarked upon it toward the end of July, 1629. The ship was wrecked upon the Acadian coast; and it is this shipwreck and other subsequent events that the Present letter describes. [O'Callaghan.]

[page 233]

Letter from the Reverend Father L'Allemand to the Reverend Father Superior, at Paris.

[275]

FTER having sojourned two days at Dieppe Ajourneyed to Rouën, where I remained two more days, and learned how the ship of the Reverend Fathers l'Allemand and Noyrot had been wrecked upon the Canseau Islands; and I was shown a letter from the Reverend Father l'Allemand, Superior of the Mission of the Jesuit Fathers in new France, sent from Bordeaux to the Reverend Father Superior of the Jesuit College at Paris, and dated November 22nd, 1629, as follows: [Champlain.]

[276]

Y REVEREND FATHER,

The peace of Christ be with you.

Castigans castigavit me Dominus & morti non tradidit me, a Chastisement all the more keenly felt

by me, as the shipwreck was accompanied by the death of the Reverend Father Noyrot and of our brother Louys,{20} two men who were destined, it sees to me, to be of great service to our Seminary. But nevertheless, since God has so ordained, we must seek our consolation in his holy will, outside of which there never was a peaceful or contented mind; and I feel sure that experience will have shown your reverence that the bitterness of our grief, tempered with tile sweetness of doing the will of God, to whom a soul is inseparably attached, loses (either all) or the greater part of its sting. And yet, if there still remain some sighs for the sufferings either of the past or of the Present, it is only to [page 235] make us aspire more earnestly to Heaven, and to perfect with merit this harmony in which the soul is determined to pass the rest of its days. Of the four of us who were in the barque, God equally divided them, taking two and leaving two. These two good Religious, who were thoroughly prepared and resigned to die, will serve as victims to appease the wrath of God, justly provoked against us for our shortcomings, and to cause him to grant in the future his goodness, that it may be favorable to the success of the project undertaken.

Our wreck was caused by a heavy gust of wind from the Southeast, which arose when we were near the shore,—a wind so strong that in spite of all the diligence of our Pilot and his Sailors, and the vows and prayers which we made to avert the disaster, we could not avoid striking upon the rocks. This was on the 26th day after our departure, saint Barthelemy's day, about nine o'clock in the evening. Of the 24 who were in the barque, ten only escaped, the others being suffocated in the water. The two nephews of Father Noyrot kept company with their uncle, and there the bodies were buried, [277] among others that of Father Noyrot and our brother; of the seven others we have no tidings, notwithstanding the search that has been made. It would be difficult for me to tell you how Father de Vieuxpont{45} and I escaped shipwreck, and I believe it is known only to God, who, in harmony with the purposes of his divine providence, has preserved us; for in regard to myself, not thinking it within the bounds of human possibility that I could escape this danger, I had resolved to remain in the ship's cabin with our brother Louys. We were preparing ourselves to meet death, which could not be farther away than three Miserere's, when I heard some one call me on the deck of the ship. I thought it might be some [page 237] one who was planning my rescue. I went up and found it was Father Noyrot, who asked me to again give him absolution. After having given it to him, and having all sung together the Salve Regina, I was obliged to remain above, for there was no means of descending,- the sea being so high and the wind so furious, that, in less than no time, the side which leaned toward the rocks was broken in pieces. I was near Father Noyrot, when a wave struck the ship so hard on the side where we were that it broke everything, separating me from Father Noyrot, from whose lips I heard these last words: In manus tuas Domine, &c. I found myself after this blow entangled in four pieces of wood, two of which struck me so hard on the chest and the other two hit me so heavily upon the back, that I thought I should die before being engulfed in the waves; but then came another sea, which, freeing me from these pieces of wood, carried me off, and my cap and slippers, and scattered the rest of the ship over the sea. Fortunately, I fell upon a plank to which I clung, and which happened to be attached to the rest of the side of the ship. We were then at the mercy of the waves, which did not spare us, but which rose, I know not how many cubits above us, and then fell forward over our heads. After having floated about a long time in this manner, in the darkness of the night, which had already set in, looking around me I saw that we were surrounded on all sides by pine trees, and everywhere environed by, and near the shores of what seemed to be an island; then examining a little more closely I counted six persons who were not far from me, two of whom noticed me, and motioned for me to try and come near them. This [278] was not without difficulty, for the blows I had received from the debris of the ship had weakened me. I did so well, however, that with the aid of my planks, I [page 239] reached the place where they were, and, with their assistance, I found myself sitting upon the mainmast, which was still firmly fastened to apart of the ship. I did not remain there long, for as we neared the island our Sailors soon leaped to the land; and, with their assistance, all those who were on the side of the ship were soon brought to the shore. There were then seven of us together; I had neither cap nor shoes, my cassock and clothes were all torn, and I was so bruised by blows from the wreck, that I could not stand up; and, in fact, some one had to support me while I was trying to reach the woods; for I had received two hard blows upon both legs, but especially upon the right one, which I still feel; my hands were cut and bruised, the flesh torn from my hips; above all I was badly wounded in the chest. All seven of us withdrew into the woods, as wet as those who have just been soaked in the sea. The first thing we did was to thank God for having preserved us, and then we prayed to him for those who might be dead. This done, we lay down very near to each other to keep warm; the ground and the grass, which had been wet by the rain of the previous day, were not yet in a condition to dry us; thus we spent the rest of the night, during which Father de Vieuxpont (who, thank God, was unharmed) slept well. The next morning, at daybreak, we reconnoitered the place where we were, and discovered that it was an island, from which we could go to the mainland. We found many things upon the shore that had been thrown up by the sea ; I found there two slippers, a cap, a hat, a cassock, and several other necessary articles. Best of all, God sent us as food, five barrels of wine, about ten pieces of lard; oil, bread, and cheese,- also an arquebuse, powder, and everything necessary to make a fire. After having drawn all these upon the shore, on saint [page 241] Louis's day, everybody went to work in earnest to build a boat out of the wreck of the ship, in which we might sail along the coast in search of some fishing boat. So we began to work with the poor tools at our disposal, and considerable progress was made by the fourth day, when we learned of a boat under sail, coming towards the place where we were. They received on board one of our sailors, who went alone to the Place [279] near which it was to .pass. They took him into their ship to speak with their Captain, to whom he related our misfortune. The captain immediately entered a boat and came in search of us, offering a passage to all of us. Behold us then in safety, for the next night we all slept in his ship. It was a Basque, which was fishing a league and a half from the rock where we were wrecked; and, as they would not finish their fishing for some time, we stayed with them during the remainder of the month of August and the entire month of September. On the first of October a Savage arrived, and told the Master that if he did not leave he would be in danger of being surprised by the English. This news decided his departure. The same Savage told us that Captain Daniel{46} was twenty-five leagues away, and was building a house, and that he had left the French with one of our Fathers there. This led me to say to Father de Vieuxpont, who urged me earnestly to permit him to remain with this Savage upon this coast, for he was one of the best Savages that could be found; "My Father, here is the way we can satisfy your reverence; Father Vimond{47} will be very happy to have a companion. This Savage offers to conduct your Reverence to the place where Monsieur Daniel is; if you wish to remain there, you may do so; if you wish to go to spend a few months with the Savages to learn their language, you may do so; [page 243] and so the Reverend Father Vimond and your Reverence will be satisfied." The good Father was very happy at this opportunity which offered itself, so he embarked in the Savage's boat. I gave him all that we had saved, except the large Painting, which the Basque sailor had taken .possession of; but I had intended to make him surrender it upon our return, if another misfortune had not overtaken us. So we left the coast on the 6th of October; and after having suffered the most furious tempests that we had yet experienced, we entered, the fortieth day after our departure, the port near St. Sebastien, where we were wrecked a second time, the Ship being broken into a thousand pieces and all the codfish being lost. All could do was to escape in a shallop into which I threw myself, in my slippers and nightcap, and in this outfit I went to find our Fathers at St. Sebastien, whence I departed eight days later, and arrived at Bourdevac, near Bordeaux, the 20th of this month. This is the result of our voyage, from which your Reverence can judge of my obligations to GOD.

[page 245]

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. IV

XIV

Chapters xxvi.–xxxvii., completing the document, are given in the present volume. The preceding chapters, with Bibliographical Data, are found in our Volume III.

XV–XVII

Documents XV. and XVI. are letters from Charles Lalemant to Sieur de Champlain and the provincial ,of the Récollets, respectively, dated at Quebec, July 28, 1625. They are taken from Sagard's Histoire du Canada (Paris, 1636), pp. 868, 869, 870; in the Tross reprint of Sagard (Paris, 1865), they are in vol. iii., PP. 789, 790{48}

Document XVII. is a letter from Lalemant to his general, at Rome, dated New France, August 1, (presumably 1626). It was written in Latin, the original being preserved in the Archives of the Gesù at Rome. This is one of the letters copied for Carayon, by Father Martin, in 1858, and translated by the latter into French, for the Première Mission, where it appears on pp. 117–121,—see Bibliographical Data for Document XIII., in our Volume III. We follow the Martin apograph, in Latin (preserved at St. Mary's College, Montreal), and our translation into English is made therefrom.{41}

The above three letters by Lalemant were selected by O'Callaghan from Sagard and Carayon,—the third being, of course, Martin's French translation,—

[page 247] and published at Albany in 1870, with a brief "Avis" giving the sources of the documents. This publication, known in the Lenox Catalogue as "O'Callaghan Reprint No. 2," bears the following title-page:

Copie de Trois | Lettres | efcrittes ès années 1625. et 1626. | Par le P. Charles Lallemant | Superieur des Miƒƒions de la Compagnie | de Iesvs en la | Novvelle France. | A Albanie | De l'Imprimerie de J. Munsell | M.DCCC.LXX.

Collation of O'Callaghan's Reprint. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription : "Edition tirée à vingt cinq exemplaires. "O'C.," i p.; "Avis" (by O'Callaghan), i p.; text, pp. 5-14.

For further references, see Brown, vol. ii., no. 316 and ~p. 166; Harrisse, nos. 426, 427, 429; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38679; O'Callaghan, nos. 1209, 1250; Winsor, P. 301; Lenox, p. 18.

XVIII

We follow the original publication (Paris, 1627), now in the Lenox Library, of Lalemant's letter to his brother, Jerome; it is described in the Lenox Catalogue, P 4, under "H.41."

There are extant, four different reprints of this document, as follows:

1. It appears to have first been reprinted in Mercure François, tome xiii., pp. 12–34; the portion of the journal wherein this is found, is devoted to the events of the year 1626, but the royal Privilege for the volume was "Donné au camp de la Rochelle le 28. de Septembre, l'an de grace 1628." The original publication appeared without statement of Privilege; it is, therefore, impossible to say when in 1627 permission to print was granted. In the Quebec edition of [page 248] the Relations (1858), it is inadvertently stated (vol. i.) that this letter commences on p. 1 (instead of p. 12) of tome xiii. of Mercure, an error which Sabin, Harrisse, and others have repeated. As will be seen by a comparison of our text with that of issues which follow the Mercure, the differences between the original and this first reprint are slight.
1. The next reprint appears in Danjou's Archives Curieuses, 2nd series, tome iii. (Paris, 1838), PP. 405 - 426). This follows the text of the original, and not that of the Mercure. The following clause in the Lenox Catalogue, p. 19,—the final sentence of note under "7(b)" in list of O'Callaghan's Reprints, is misleading: "The copy in the Astor Library of that work is printed from the original letter of 1627." The "copy in the Astor" is simply this reprint in Archives Curieuses, of which rare collection the Astor has a set.
1. The third reprint, but the first in separate form, was issued by O'Callaghan at Albany, 1870, and is the one designated in the Lenox Catalogue (p. 19) as "7(b)." The text of the Mercure reprint is followed, with a made-up title-page, as follows:

Relation | de ce qvi s'est passé en la | Novvelle France | en l’année M.DC.XXVI. | Enuoyée au Père Heroism L'Allemant | par le P. Charles L'Allemant Superievr de la Miƒƒion de la Compagnie de Iesvs | en | Canada. D'après la Copie dans le Mercure François | Tome 13. | A Paris | Chez Eƒtienne Richer ruë S. Iean de Latran | M.DC.XXIX.

Collation of same. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Edition tirée a vingt-cinq exemplaires, O'C.," 1 p.; Tables des Matieres, 2 pp.; text, pp. 1–51; Table, pp. 53–59. [page 249]

4. A second separate reprint was issued by O'Callaghan in 1871, and is that referred to in the Lenox Catalogue (p. 19) as "7(a)." This follows the original text, and not that of the Mercure; it is set in small type in imitation of the original (Paris, 1627), and comes into the same number of pages. Upon the otherwise blank page facing the last page of the text, is the inscription : " Calqué fur l'exemplaire dans la collection | de Mr. James Lenox, de New York." The title-page is apparently photo-lithographed from the original.

For further references to this document, which has had a curious bibliographical history, see Harrisse, no. 41; Sabin, vol. ~x., no. 38680 (original), and no. 38682 (reprint); Carayon, nos. 1254, 1255, and p. 1179; Ternaux, no. 496; Winsor, pp. 300, 301; Historical Magazine, vol. iii., p. 19; Brown, vol. ii., p. 166; Lenox, P. 4 (H. 41), 19; and the Barlow (no. 1272), Murphy (no. 1480), and O'Callaghan (nos. 1250, 1982) sale catalogues.

Title-page. We give a photographic facsimile of original.

Collation of Original. Title, i p. ; text, pp. 1–16.

XIX

Charles Lalemant's letter of Nov. 22, 1629, to the superior of the Jesuit College at Paris, originally appeared without title or headlines, in Les voyages du Sieur de Champlain (Paris, 1632), 2nd part, pp. 275–279. O'Callaghan reprinted it in what is known in the Lenox list as "No. 3," of which,—as with others of the O'Callaghan series,—but twenty-five copies were published. He omitted the preliminary editorial note, on P. 275, made up a title-page of his own, [page 250]

and furnished the Avant-Propos. In the present issue, we reproduce the O'Callaghan title-page and Avant-Propos, but in all other respects strictly follow the original publication. See further references in Winsor, P. 301; Sabin, vol. x., no. 38681; Lenox, p. 18.

Title-page. We imitate O'Callaghan's Reprint.

Collation of O'Callaghan's Reprint. Title, 1 p.; reverse of title, with inscription: "Tirée à vingt cinq exemplaires, lefquels ne font | pas à vendre. O'C.," 1 p.; Avant-Propos (by O'Callaghan), 1 p.; blank, 1 p.; text, pp. 5–15; colophon, 1 p.: "Achevé d'Imprimer à Albany, N. Y., par | J. Munfell, çe 14 Juin 1870."

 

[page 251]

NOTES TO VOL. IV

(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pages, of English text.)

1. (p. 15).—The pilot: see vol. ii., note 88.

2 (p. 15).—Pretended Religion : see vol. iii., note 31.

3 (p. 21).—On Turnell, see vol. i, note 66.

4 (p. 33).—The Marshal: Sir Thomas Dale (spelled Deel, by Biard). See vol. i., note 64.

5 (p. 33).—The General: this was Sir Thomas Gates, one of the prominent men of his time in both military and civil service. He was of Devonshire, and probably at this time a little over 50 years of age ; had been an officer in the Drake-Sidney expedition to America (1585-86), and published an account of it in 1589; later, had military commands in Spain and Holland; was commander of the English expedition to Virginia in 1608, and appointed the first sole and absolute governor to the colony there; returned to England in April, 16l4. He lived about six years longer, and took much interest in the affairs of Virginia. Both he and Dale were men of energy and executive ability; to their efforts are mainly ascribed the establishment and continuance of the Jamestown colony.

6 (p. 69).—The French name for the English Channel; given on account of its shape, resembling a sleeve (Fr. manche). It gives its name to the maritime department of France in which are situated Cherbourg and St. Lô.

7 (p. 75).—The ambassador: see vol. ii., note 94.

8 (p. 85).—On Betsabes, see vol. iii., note 16.

9 (p. 91).—River of smelts: the Liesse River of Lescarbot (see vol. ii., note 37).

10 (p. 95).—On this point, cf. Maurault (Hist. Abenakis, p. 95, note 4): "The Abnakis always exhibited profound grief at the death of a child; the parents were inconsolable. The cause of this great sorrow was the belief of the savages that a child was wretched in the other world, because it was too young and weak to procure for itself the necessities of life there."

11 (p. 101).—The letters patent here referred to were those issued to Sir Thomas Gates and others, for the establishment of colonies in Virginia, and constituted the colonial charter. This document, [page 254] dated April 10, 1606, granted some 20,000 square miles to the two companies, but claimed for the crown all of North America between 34° and 45° north latitude, presumably amounting to some 2,000,000 square miles, as the width of the continent was then understood. The text is given, with collateral and illustrative papers, in Brown's Genesis, pp. 52 et seq.

12 (p. 105).—For a graphic account of the colonial enterprises of Jean Ribaut and René de Laudonnière in Florida (1562-65), consult Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 33–150. Cf. Laudonnière's own narrative, and Ribaut's journal, as given in Goldsmid's Hakluyt, vol. xiii., pp. 407–507; also, Guérin's Navigateurs Français (Paris, 1846), pp. 180–204.

13 (p. 105).—Concerning these early discoveries by the French, see vol. ii., notes 49, 72; and vol. iii., notes 5, 9.

14 (p. 107).—Biard here refers to the colony established in 1610 by John Guy and others at Cupids Harbor (opening into Conception Bay), N. F. Lord Bacon was prominent in this enterprise, and it was his influence that secured the charter and subsidies granted to the Newfoundland Colonization Company, as it was called. The company seems to have existed till at least 1628. For Guy's charter, and letters written by him, with an account of his enterprise and of other early colonies in that region, see Prowse's Hist. N.F., pp. 92–133.

15 (p. 107).—The map of Ortelius (1570) shows New France as extending southward to 40°'. Van der Aa's "Canada" (1619, ca.), and Blaeu's "Extrema Americæ" (1620), give the Kennebec river as the dividing line between New England and New France; the latter region is extended by Van der Aa to the south of the Great Lakes, and as far as the Mississippi river. Winsor gives (Cartier to Frontenac, p. 9), a sketch reduced from a tracing of the alleged map of Denis (1506), mentioned in vol. iii., of the present series, note 4.

16 (p. 109).—Reference is here made to the "Pandects," or Corpus juris Civilis, a collection of the Roman civil law, made in the sixth century by Emperor Justinian. The "law of Alluvions" has two branches,—the law of abandonment, and that of accretion (acquirendo). Biard's reference is to the Corpus juris Civilis, Digest, book 41 ("De adquirendo rerum dominio"), 29 and 30. The sign of, used in our text, was employed by early juris consults to signify the Digest, and even the Pandects as a whole; it is supposed to be a corruption of the Greek character X (or perhaps of 0).—See Hermann Hugo's De Prima Scribeittli Origine (Antwerp, 1617), p. 153.

17 (p. 109).—Regarding the Count de Soissons, see vol. ii., note 24.

18 (p. 109).—Cf. with these arguments of Biard, Champlain's [page 254] "Abregé des decovvertvres de la Nouuelle France," in his Voyages (ed. 1632), part 2, pp. 290–296; and Hinsdale's "Right of Discovery," in Ohio Archæol. and Hist. Quarterly, Dec., 1888.

19 (p. 113).—Concerning the French fisheries in Newfoundland, which, with the neighboring Banks, furnished the greater part of the Canadian product, see Prowse's Hist. N.F., pp. 49–50; and Dionne's Nouv. France, chaps. viii., ix. For a detailed account of the Canadian fisheries at the present time, see Joncas's "Fisheries of Canada," in Canadian Economics (Montreal, 1884), pp. 41–73.

Lalemant says (doc. no. xviii., post) that the usual exportation of beaver skins from New France was 12,000 to 15,000 annually; and that it had, in one year, been 22,000. These skins were sold in France at a pistole each, or ten livres. The Company of Merchants is said to have realized an annual dividend Of 40 per cent on its investment. Garneau cites De Caen as saying, when Quebec was restored to him by Kirk, in 1632: "But as for our settlement, my people have found it utterly consumed, along with 9,000 beaver skins, valued at 40,000 livres."—Histoire du Canada (4th ed., Montreal, 1882), vol. i., p. 127, note*. See, also, chapter on "New France and the Fur-trade," in H. H. Bancroft's N.W. Coast, vol. i., pp. 378–403; and Dionne's Nouv. France, chap. xiii. Gagnon's Essai de bibliographie canadienne (Quebec, 1895), p. 128, mentions Bruslons's Dictionnaire universal de commerce (Savary's ed., Paris, 1723) as "an immense compilation, containing highly valuable information in regard to Canadian commerce in the seventeenth century."

20 (p. 171).—Charles Lalemant (also written L'Alemand, L'Almand, Lallemant, and Allemand) was born at Paris Nov. 17, 1587, and became a novice of the Jesuits July 29, 1607, at Rouen. He studied philosophy at La Flèche, 1609–12; during the following three years, he was an instructor in the college of Nevers; four years more he devoted to the study of theology at La Flèche, and one year at Paris. He was a professor in the college at Bourges, 1620–22; and, for three years more, principal of the boarding school of Clermont, Paris. In March, 1625, he was appointed superior of the mission at Quebec, whither he went with his brethren Massé and Brébeuf, and the Récollet missionary Joseph La Roche-Daillon, arriving in June of that year. Here Lalemant remained till November, 1627, when he went to France to procure supplies. Returning in the following May, the ship was captured by Admiral Kirk, the Jesuits being sent to England, and later to France. In June, 1629, Lalemant, with several other Jesuits, made a second attempt to return to Canada; but they were shipwrecked on the rocks near Canso. Noyrot and Malot perished in the waves, Vieuxpont joined Father Vimont at Grand Cibou, and Lalemant was taken back to France by a Basque fishing [page 255] vessel, arriving at St. Sebastien after still another shipwreck. Quebec having been meanwhile captured by the English, the Canadian missions were interrupted until 1632, when the region was restored to France. Lalemant, upon his return to France, in 1629, was appointed rector of the college at Eu; and, later, of that at Rouen. In April, 1634, his superiors granted his earnest request that he might again go to Canada. He was placed in charge, with Massé and De Nouë, of the chapel "Notre-Dame de Récouvrance" (built by Champlain on his return to New France), and was the latter's friend and spiritual director, attending him at his death. Lalemant returned to France in 1639, and there, during several years, acted as agent for the Canadian missions; he was afterwards successively rector of the colleges at Rouen, La Flèche, and Paris, and at the last place superior of the Maison Professe. There he died, Nov. 18, 1674.

21 (p. 71).—The General. This was Emery de Caen, who, with his uncle, Guillaume de Caen, was placed by Montmorency in charge of commercial affairs in New France; both were Huguenots -the latter a merchant, the former a naval captain.

It is necessary, in this connection, to outline the commercial monopolies that successively dominated New France in its infancy. For an account of the first of these, granted to De Monts, see vol. i., note 2. His patent was finally canceled in 1609; and in January, 1611, he gave up his claims in America to Madame de Guercheville. Meanwhile, Champlain (see vol. ii., note 42) was continued as lieutenant of the King in New France, with personal command over the Quebec colony, which was sustained mainly through his efforts, with the aid of the Rouen merchants who had been associated with De Monts.

Company of Associates.—The Rouen associates withdrew from the enterprise, toward the close of 1611; and, in the following year, Champlain undertook the formation of a new company, to be composed of merchants from Rouen, Havre, St. Malo, and La Rochelle. It was open to all who were willing to share both the profits and the losses, thus avoiding the jealousies that had been aroused against the limited membership of De Monts's company. The Rochelle men finally declined to enter the company, which afterwards lost heavily by the illicit trade in which the former engaged with the savages. Champlain also accuses these merchants of selling arms and ammunition to the natives, and exciting their hostility against the Quebec colonists.—See his Voyages (1632), part 2, pp. 2, 3. The Count de Soissons (vol. ii. of this series, note 24) was appointed governor of New France, with Champlain as his lieutenant. After considerable delay, the Company of Associates was organized (1613–14); among its members were, besides De Monts and Champlain, [page 256] Thomas Porée, Lucas Legendre, Mathieu Dusterlo, and Daniel Boyer. Quarrels arose among the associates, caused by commercial and even religious differences of opinion; and some of them tried to eject Champlain from his command. Although this attempt failed, his work was greatly hindered and embarrassed, until the Duke of Montmorency, Condé's successor as viceroy, came to his aid (1620).

Company of De Caen.—Dissensions and complaints still arising, the Company of Associates was summarily dissolved by Montmorency, in November, 1620, and a new company formed. At its head were the De Caens; there were, also, Guillaume Robin, Jacques de Troyes, and François Hervé, merchants; François de Troyes, chief of royal finance at Orléans; Claude Le Ragois, receiver-general of finance at Limoges; Pierre de Verton, counselor and secretary of the King; and others. The old company had resented Montmorency's order of dissolution; but within a year its membership and interests were consolidated with those of the new association. The latter received a monopoly for eleven years, to which the King added eleven more; but it also was dissolved by Richelieu, early in 1627, to make room for his "Company of New France," also known as the "Company of the Hundred Associates."

Company of New France.—This association was personally controlled and managed by Richelieu; and had members in official positions about the court, and in Paris, Rouen, and other cities of France. Among these were Marquis Defflat, superintendent of finance; Champlain; Claude de Roquemont; the Commander de Razilly; Sebastian Cramoisy, the Parisian publisher; Jean de Lauson, long the president of the company, and intendant of Canada; Louis Houel, secretary of the King, and controller of the salt works at Brouage; and several leading merchants of Paris, Rouen, Dieppe, and Bordeaux. The reasons for the formation of this company, the royal charter granted to it, and its articles of association, are given in Mercure François, vol. xiv. (1628), pp. 232-267. For a complete list of the (107) members, see Creuxius' Hist. Canad.; for a copy of the list, with the company's charter, and other interesting particulars, see Sulte's Histoire des Canadiens-Français (Montreal, 1882-84), vol. ii., pp. 27–33. The company was granted jurisdiction over the territory extending from Florida to the Arctic Circle, and from Newfoundland to the "great fresh lake" (Huron). Only Catholics were permitted to join this association, or to settle in its colonies; and no Huguenot or foreigner might enter Canada. The capture of Quebec by the English (1629) temporarily broke up this monopoly; but it resumed operations when that region was retroceded to France (vol. ii., note 42). The charter of the company obliged it to send 4,000 colonists thither before 1643; to lodge and support them [page 257] during three years; and then to give them cleared lands for their maintenance. The vast expense attending this undertaking was beyond the ability of the Associates; therefore, in 1645, they transferred to the inhabitants of Quebec their monopoly of the fur trade, with their debts and other obligations,—retaining, however, their seigniorial rights. Finally (Feb. 24, 1663), the Hundred Associates abandoned their charter, and New France again became the property of the crown.

All these monopolies appear to have sought mainly their own financial interests. They sustained the Quebec settlement, but in penurious fashion, and only so far as it aided their trade with the natives; but they did nothing to make it an agricultural community, or to forward Champlain's schemes for the permanent colonization of Canada,—neither of which objects could well be attained under the feudal tenure by which the colonists held land under the companies.

For more extended accounts of these enterprises, see Parkman's Pioneers, pp. 364-366, 419-432; his Jesuits, pp. 155-157, 194, 195, 331; Ferland's Cours d’Histoire, vol. i., pp. 161, 162, 167, 185, 189, 197-201,215,217,220,226,338-340; Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol.i., pp. 128–135,159, 163, 164, and vol. ii., pp. 65-66; Slafter's "Memoir of Champlain," in Voyages (Prince Soc.), vol. i., pp. 110–114, 122, 144–158, 187; Faillon's Colon. Fr., vol. i., pp. 132-136, 150, 160-175, 189-232, 268-272, 333-352; Winsor's Cartier to Frontenac, pp. 130, 131, 167, 168; Garneau's Canada, vol. i., pp. 63-75; and Margry's Collection de manuscrits relatifs à la Nouvelle France (Quebec, 1883), vol. i., pp. 62–85.

The losses of the De Caens at the capture of Quebec (referred to note ante, 19) were heavy; and, as some compensation therefor, they were granted a monopoly of the fur trade in the Gulf of St. Lawrence for one year. Emery De Caen was therefore appointed provisional governor of Canada for that period, upon the restitution of the province by the English; and on July 13, 1632, he took formal possession of Quebec in the name of his King. Laverdiére gives (Champlain, close of vol. ii.) numerous "Piéces justificatives;" see pp. 6-31 of these, for documents showing De Caen's losses through Kirk's attack, and his attempts to secure redress from the latter through the English government. L'Abbé H. A. B. Verreau, In Report on Canadian Archives (1874), p. 197, mentions that in Paris he found documents granting islands in the West Indies to De Caen, in 1633 and 1640.

22 (p. 17).—Champlain, in thorough accord with the policy then dominant at the court of France, was fully as desirous of establishing the Christian religion among the savages of America as of gaining [page 258] new possessions for France. He had tried, in 16l2, to induce Madame de Guercheville to send the Jesuits to Quebec, and to aid De Monts in establishing a colony there; see his Voyages (1632), Pt. i., pp. 112, 113. This proposal was rejected, on account of De Monts's Calvinistic faith. But when the Company of Merchants was formed, two years later, Champlain at once made plans for the establishment of missions in New France. Consulting Louis Houel, of Brouage, the latter advised him to apply to the Récollets (vol. ii., of the present series, note 41,), who had already won renown from their successful missions in Spanish America.

That Order gladly responded to the appeal; and, having secured the consent of the King of France and of the Pope, and assurances of aid from the Company of Merchants, the first Récollet missionaries to Canada departed from France, April 24, 16l5.—See Introduction, vol. i., pp. xx., xxi. Other Récollets were sent over, from time to time; and, in 1620-21, they built a convent and chapel (the first in Canada) on St. Charles River, about half a French league from the fort of Quebec. This they named Notre-Dame des Anges; it was situated (according to Laverdière) on the spot where now stands the General Hospital.

By 1624, five Récollet missions had been established—at Tadoussac, Quebec, and Three Rivers; at Carhagouha, in the Huron country; and among the Nipissings. There was another, in Acadia, on St. John River, founded in 1619, conducted by three Récollets from Aquitaine, and supported by certain commercial companies at Bordeaux. This mission was closed in July, 1624; and, immediately thereafter, its priests joined their brethren at Quebec.

Just before their arrival, a conference of the Récollet missionaries was held at Quebec, at which they resolved to ask the coöperation of the Jesuits (also noted for the success of their foreign missions) in the Canadian field, which was far too large and arduous for their limited resources, hoping that the latter order would send some missionaries at its own expense. The Récollets, even more austere than the other Franciscan orders, were forbidden by their rules to own property; hence their missionaries could not look to their own order for aid. The Company of Merchants had agreed with Champlain to support six of the Récollets; but, as many of its members were Protestants, this outlay was probably an unwelcome burden to them. Moreover, the religious dissensions constantly arising between the Huguenots and the Catholics were felt to be a hindrance to the labors of the missionaries, who would have preferred that Protestants should be entirely excluded from the management of affairs. Sagard says (Canada, pp. 86o, 861) that he complained to Montmorency of the disorders in Canada, for which he blamed the [page 259] Huguenots; and that the Récollet provincial at Paris, with Father Irenæus Piat (envoy from the Canadian missionaries, to negotiate with the Jesuits), made formal charges against them in the council, to the same effect. The viceroy (in Rochemonteix's phrase, "a man of the world, who loved pleasures quite as well as honors") had meanwhile gladly disposed of his troublesome Canadian dignities (January, 1625) to his nephew Henri de Lévis, duke of Ventadour, a pious man who cared not for trade or conquest, but only for the conversion of the savages. De Lévis's spiritual director was a Jesuit; the application of the Récollets for aid from the Society of Jesus came at an opportune time for both orders. It is also probable that the influences of the court, at that time strongly inclined toward the Jesuits, helped to bring about the arrangement. There was, however, considerable opposition to its consummation, especially from the Company of Merchants; but, according to Faillon, the new viceroy asserted his authority over them, and obliged them to yield. In accordance with the agreement, the Jesuit fathers Lalemant, Massé, and Brébeuf, with the coadjutors François Charreton, Jean Goffestre, and Gilbert Burel, were sent to New France in April, 1625. There they pursued their missionary labors until the capture of Quebec by the English, four years later. After that event, Kirk sent all the missionaries back to France, by way of England. When the French returned (1632), they were accompanied solely by Jesuit priests; for Richelieu would not allow the Récollets to resume their Canadian missions.

For accounts of this transaction, from a Récollet standpoint, see Shea's Le Clercq, pp. 224-233; and Sagard's Canada, pp. 860-865. The Jesuit view is given in Rochemonteix's Jésuiles, vol. i., pp. 137-153. Cf. Faillon's Colon. Fr., vol. i., pp. 206-212.

23 (p. 171).—This was Joseph de la Roche-Daillon (written also d'Allion), a Récollet priest of the province of St. Denis, allied to the house of the counts du Lud (or Lude). He accompanied the Jesuit missionaries to Canada, and, after remaining at Quebec for a year, went to the Huron country with Brébeuf and De Nouë. In October, 1626, he visited the Neutral Nation, and spent the winter there. In the summer of 1628, he returned from the Huron mission to Quebec, remaining there until its capture; Champlain mentions his visit to " Father la Roche," just before that event, to ask if the Récollets could supply any grain to the colony. Sagard gives (Canada, pp. 880-892) a letter written to a friend by Daillon, describing his visit to the Neutrals; it is reproduced by Le Clercq (Shea's ed., vol. i., pp. 263-272). Harris (citing Noiseux's Liste chronologique) gives the date of Daillon's death as July 16, 1656.—Early Missions in Western Canada (Toronto, 1893), p. 56, note. [page 260]

24 (p. 171).—The trading station: Three Rivers (see vol. ii., note 52). This point was long a favorite fur-trade rendezvous for the Indians. The Récollet missionaries established a residence here in June, 1615, which was maintained until 1628. The fortified French settlement at Three Rivers was established by Champlain in July, 1634, to protect the Huron and Algonkin fur trade from the incursions of the Iroquois, and to serve as an outpost of defense for Quebec. The first colonist was Jacques Hertel, who in 1633 had obtained a grant of land there. The Jesuit missionaries were also among the proprietors of the new town, having obtained from the Company of New France (see note 21, ante), by a grant dated Feb. 15, 1634, six arpents of land at Three Rivers; but they did not secure possession of this till Montmagny delivered it to them (1637). However, within two months after La Violette, Champlain's lieutenant, had erected his stockade at Three Rivers, two of the Jesuit fathers,—Le Jeune and Buteux,—had established a residence there, which was for many years an important center of missionary work.—See Sulte's Can. -Français, vol. ii., pp. 48-54: he gives a list, containing also much genealogical information, of the early inhabitants of Three Rivers; and the document granting land there to the Society of Jesus, copied from Titres seigneuriaux (Quebec, 1852), p. 70. Cf. Ferland's Cours d’Histoire, vol. i., p. 270; he states that the church registers of Three Rivers are continuous since February, 1635; and that these records are the oldest existing in Canada. The first entry gives the exact date on which the settlement was begun July 4, 1634.

Sulte has published, at Montreal, several works concerning this town: Histoire de la ville des Trois-Rivières (1870), Chronique trifluvienne (1879), and Album de l'Histoire des Trois-Rivières (1881).

25 (p. 171).—Father Nicholas Viel, then stationed at Montargis, France, was sent to the Canadian mission of the Récollets, with Brother Gabriel Sagard (see note 48, post), in 1623. Arriving at Quebec, June 28 of that year, they at once accompanied Father Joseph Le Caron to the Huron country, which they reached in August, and settled at the residence already established at Quieunonascaran. At the end of ten months, Le Caron and Sagard returned to Quebec, leaving Viel in charge of the mission. In the summer of 1625, he went with the Hurons on their annual trading voyage to Quebec, taking with him an Indian lad named Ahautsic, whom he had baptized and confirmed. A storm scattering the fleet, the three Hurons in his canoe viciously threw him and his disciple into the water, at the last rapid above Montreal, which from that time has borne the name of Sault au Récollet. Sagard and Le Clercq give [page 261] full accounts of Father Viel's missionary work, and of his tragic death. The latter states that Viel left a dictionary of the Huron language, with other memoirs, in the hands of certain Frenchmen then living in the Huron country, who, later, conveyed the MSS. to Father Le Caron, at Quebec.

26 (p. 171).—Joseph Le Caron was one of the four Récollets who began the mission of that order in Canada (see note 22, ante). Verbal permission to engage in this work was given them by the papal nuncio at Paris, that their departure might not be delayed by waiting for the usual brief; for some unknown reason the issue of this paper was delayed until March 20, 1618. The original document is now in the departmental archives of France, according to Faillon (Col. Fr., vol. i., p. 146). It is addressed to Father Le Caron and other Récollet brothers and priests: Sagard copies it in his Canada, pp. 12 - 17.

Upon arriving at Tadoussac, May 25, 1615, Jamey (the superior) went with Le Caron to Three Rivers, where they at once proceeded to establish a sedentary mission for the Indians. Leaving this in the care of Jamey (whose headquarters were at Quebec), Le Caron departed for the Huron country, living with the savages at their town of Carhagonha (near Thunder Bay; later known as Toanché). Here he remained until the following May, meanwhile visiting with Champlain the Tobacco Nation and adjoining tribes. By these Indians he was cruelly treated, at the instigation of the medicine men (whom the French missionaries styled "sorcerers").

In July, 1616, the Récollet missionaries held at Quebec a conference with Champlain and other friends of their work, at which it was decided that they needed more missionaries, more French colonists, and a seminary for the education of Indian children. To obtain aid in these directions, Jamay and Le Caron soon afterwards went with Champlain to France, where at first they received but little help or encouragement. Jamay remained to forward the interests of the mission; while Le Caron, now appointed its superior, returned to Canada in the spring of 16I7, accompanied by Father Paul Huet. A year later, desiring to work personally among the savages, Le Caron delegated to Father d'Olbeau his authority as superior, and spent a year at Tadoussac, with the Montagnais. During 1619-22, he labored at Quebec, then again wintered with the Montagnais; and in July, 1623, returned to the Huron mission, accompanied by Viel and Sagard (see notes 25, 48). During his year's stay there, he did much to aid Champlain in securing the temporary treaty of peace which, in July, 1624, was concluded between the Iroquois, on one part, and the French and their savage allies on the other. [page 262]

In August, 1625, Le Caron went to France on the affairs of the mission, and returned the following year with Brother Gervase Mohier and a reinforcement of Jesuit missionaries. He remained at Quebec, as superior of his mission, until 1629, when all the priests were sent back to France by Kirk. As the Récollets expected to resume work on the Canadian mission, Le Caron was appointed its procurator in France; but he died on March 29, 1632,—according to Le Clercq—through grief at the exclusion of his order from Canada.

Upon the invasion of Canada by the English, the Récollet missionaries had been urged by their savage disciples to take refuge with them in their towns, where they would be safe from attack, and could minister to the religious wants of the natives until the French should return. The fathers wished to accept this proposal; but as it was opposed by the council of Quebec, Le Caron felt obliged to decline it, for which he was afterwards blamed by some of his brethren in France.

Full details of his work are given by Le Clercq and Sagard: the former copies a letter written by La Caron to his provincial at Paris, Aug. 7, 1618; also fragments of memoirs sent by him to that officer in 1624.—See Shea's Le Clercq, vol. i., pp. 134-137, and 213-224. He is said to have prepared a dictionary of the Huron language (Ibid., p. 249). Other MSS. of his were burned in March, 1631, as a result of sanitary measures then taken against a contagious disease in the convent of St. Margaret, near Gisors, Normandy, of which he was superior.-See "Memorial of the Récollets, 1637," in Margry's Découvertes et établissements des Français dans l’Amérique septentrionale (Paris, 1876-86), vol. i., p. xi.

27 (p. 173).—The purpose of his voyage. Sagard tells us (Canada, p. 871) that this was to improve the condition of Canada, and to ask the King for funds to support the children and new converts in the seminary planned by the Récollets. Le Clercq asserts that it was through Le Caron's influence that Emery de Caen was recalled from Canada, and replaced by a Catholic, Raymond de la Ralde (who had been De Caen's lieutenant); also that the same influence had much to do with the formation of Richelieu's Company of New France.—See Shea's Le Clercq, vol. i., pp. 253-259. Rochemonteix, however, claims (Jésuites, vol. i., p. 165) that Richelieu's determination to replace Montmorency's company by that of the Hundred Associates was due mainly to Father Noyrot's influence, and to his representations of the state of affairs in Canada.

28 (p. 177).—Mutio Vitelleschi was born at Rome, in 1565; On Nov. 15, 16l5, he became Aquaviva's successor as general of the Society of Jesus; his death occurred Feb. 9, 1645. Ranke, in History of the Popes (Foster's tr., London, 1871), vol. ii., p. 388, says: [page 263] "Vitelleschi was by nature mild, indulgent, and conciliatory; his intimates called him the angel of peace; and he found consolation on his deathbed from the conviction that he had never injured any one. These were admirable qualities of a most amiable man, but did not suffice to fit him for the government of an order so widely extended, active, and powerful. He was unable to enforce strictness of discipline, even with regard to dress; still less could he oppose an effectual resistance to the demands of determined ambition." Daurignac, in History of the Society of Jesus (Clements's tr., Baltimore, 1878), vol. i., p. 398, says that he was designated "the Angel" by Pope Urban VIII., on account of his docility and humility. It was under his generalship (Feb. 12, 1622) that Loyola, the founder of the Jesuit order, and Francis Xavier, were canonized by Gregory XV.; that the first centenary of the society was held (Sept. 25, 1639), when its reports showed that it occupied 36 provinces, and had 200 houses and 15,000 members; and that the great controversy between the Jansenists and Jesuits began. Even more important, according to Ranke, was the change which occurred, during this administration, in the government and discipline of the society, by which the "professed" members attained supremacy, and occupied positions in business, administration, and other affairs of the world, which before had belonged mainly to the coadjutors,—those of provincials, rectors, and superiors of colleges. The former ascetic strictness of discipline was relaxed; and the society became less ardent in its devotion to the interests of the Holy See. Vitelleschi and his immediate successors strove, but with little success, to correct these tendencies.—See Ranke, ut supra, pp. 387-393; he obtains most of his information from a MS. in the Corsini library at Rome, entitled Discorso sopra la religione de' padri Gesuiti, e loro modo di governare (1681-86, circa). Cf. Daurignac's account (ut supra, pp. 324-398) of the order under Vitelleschi's administration.

29 (p. 177).—During the seventeenth century, all navigated seas were infested with pirates. Lescarbot mentions (vol. ii. of the present series, p. 131) that Poutrincourt met, in the English Channel, a ship of "Forbans" or pirates; the word "forban" means, literally, one banished, an outlaw, and characterizes most of the European pirates of the time. Sagard (Canada, 115, 120, 121), relates that, on his journey to New France, his ship was threatened by a Dutch pirate, in the very harbor of Rochelle. Sulte (Can.-Français, vol. ii., p. 20, note) cites the case of one of De Caen's vessels, which was captured (September, 1624) while en route from Gaspé to Bordeaux, by Turks, near the coast of Brittany; the Frenchmen were carried away as slaves.

Brown (Cape Breton, p. 110), who says he obtained his information [page 264] from original documents in the Public Record office at London, writes: "The fishermen of Newfoundland were cruelly harassed by pirates. In eight years (1612 - 20), the damage done by the pirates was estimated at 40,800 l; besides the loss of 180 pieces of ordnance, and 1,080 fishermen and mechanics carried off by force. On August 8, 1625, the Mayor of Poole wrote to the Privy Council, saying that, unless protection were afforded to the Newfoundland fleet of 250 sail, 'of the Western Ports,' they would be surprised by the Turkish pirates; and, on the 12th of the same month, the Mayor of Plymouth informed the Council that twenty-seven ships and 200 men had been taken by pirates in ten days." Brown also cites Discourse and Discovery of Newfoundland (London, 1623), written by one Captain Whitbourne, who was sent out in 1615, to hold a court of admiralty for inquiry into certain abuses; and who says that Peter Easton, a pirate, had ten sail of well-appointed ships, that he was master of the seas, and levied a regular tax on fishing vessels.

As early as 1620, John Mason, then governor of Newfoundland, received a commission from the English admiralty to suppress pirates; and he captured, among others, a Sallee (or Moorish) pirate in the Irish harbor of Crookhaven (1625). Prowse (Hist. N.E., pp. 108, 174, 182), gives the text of this commission; he also states that Placentia was raided five times previous to 1685, by English buccaneers, who plundered the town of all movable property.

30 (p. 177).—Jean de Brébeuf was born March 25, 1593, at Condé-sur-Vire, Normandy. He belonged to a noble family, from which, according to the Biographie Universelle (Paris, 1843-66), the English family of Arundel had its descent. Entering the Society of Jesus Nov. 8, 1617, at Rouen, he was ordained five years later; and in 1625 was sent to Canada as one of the first Jesuit missionaries (note 22, ante). The first year he spent among the Montagnais; but in 1626 went, with De Nouë, to the Huron country, where they settled at Toanché (known to the Récollets as Carhagouha; see note, 26, ante), in the bark cabin which Le Caron had erected eleven years before. Here Brébeuf remained (alone, after the first year) until the capture of Quebec. Returning to Canada with Champlain (1633), he at once resumed work in the Huron country, where he labored until his death (excepting 1641-44, when at Quebec). During the winter of 1640-41, he endeavored (but without success) to establish a mission in the Neutral Nation. He lived successively at Ihonatiria, a new village built not far from the deserted Toanché; Teanaustayé, called by the missionaries St. Joseph, in the present township of Médonte, Simcoe county, Ontario; and St. Ignace and St. Louis, about half-way between the former towns. In March, 1649, a thousand Iroquois attacked and destroyed the two last-named [page 265] villages, capturing there Brébeuf and Gabriel Lalemant, both of whom were put to death with cruel tortures,—the former dying March 16, the latter on the day following. Their bodies were rescued by their brethren, and their bones afterwards taken to Quebec,—where, in the Hôtel Dieu, Brébeuf's head is still preserved, inclosed in a silver bust sent from France by his family. A minute account of this martyrdom is given by one of the lay brothers of the Huron mission, Christophe Regnaut (Regnault), in a MS. written at Caen in 1678. A copy of this document. with an English translation, is given by Brymner, in Canadian Archives, 1884, pp. lxiii.–lxvii., and will in due course be reproduced in the present series.

Harris (Miss. West. Canada., p. 212, note) states that he has seen in St. Martin's church (Ritualist), Brighton, England, a figured window in memory of Father Brébeuf. A memorial church, in honor of all the Jesuit martyrs in the Huron country, is now (January, 1897) approaching completion at Penetanguishene, Ontario; an illustration thereof will appear in vol. v. of this series.

Brébeuf's Relations of the Huron mission will appear in succeeding volumes of our series; that for 1636 contains an elaborate account of the social condition, manners, and customs of that nation, and a treatise on their language—this last being reproduced, in an English translation, by Albert Gallatin in Transactions of Amer. Antiquarian Society, vol. ii., (Cambridge, 1836), pp. 236-238. At the close of Champlain's Voyages (ed. 1632) may be found translations into Montagnais of Ledesma's "Christian Doctrine," by Brébeuf; and of the Lord's Prayer, Apostles' Creed, etc., by Massé.

31 (p. 181).—Anne de Nouë was born Aug. 7, 1587; his father was the seigneur of Prières and of Villers, near Rheims, France. Anne's early years were spent at court, first as a page, then as an officer of the King's bedchamber; but at the age of twenty-five he devoted himself to a religious life, and entered the Jesuit novitiate (Sept. 20, 1612). He spent ten years in the study of philosophy and theology, at the Jesuit colleges of Paris, La F1èche, and Nevers; then became acting rector at Bourges, where he remained until sent to Canada (1626). Accompanying Brébeuf to the Huron country, he came back to Quebec in the following spring, apparently remaining there until the English invasion. During this time he essayed to spend a winter with the Montagnais, but suffered so greatly from cold and hunger that he was obliged to leave them. Returning to Canada with De Caen (1632), his first care was to repair the convent and other buildings destroyed by the English. Unable, after repeated efforts, either to learn the native languages, or to endure the hardships of life among the savages, he spent the remainder of his life in the French settlements on the St. Lawrence,—ministering to the [page 266] sick and dying, instructing the colonists, supplying the temporal needs of his brethren, directing workmen who repaired buildings or cultivated the ground,—as Rochemonteix says, " he became, in the mission, the servant of all." His disposition was enthusiastic and impetuous, yet gentle, lovable, and self-sacrificing. On a journey to Fort Richelieu, to administer the sacraments to the garrison there, he was frozen to death on the St. Lawrence river, Feb. 1, 1646.

32 (p. 181)—Philibert Noyrot was born October, 1592, in the diocese of Autun; he entered the Jesuit order Oct. 16, 1617, and spent four years in study at Paris and Bourges. Four years later, having been ordained as a priest, he was appointed procuror of the latter college, retaining this office until his death. It was by his advice, according to Rochemonteix, that Ventadour (whose confessor he was) bought the vice-royalty of Canada from Montmorency. In 1626, Noyrot went to Quebec, taking with him twenty workmen to build a residence for the Jesuit missionaries there. Lalemant immediately sent him back to France, to report to Richelieu on the affairs of Canada, and to secure the removal of the Huguenots from the direction of the mercantile company. This resulted in the formation of the Company of New France (see note 27, ante). In order to relieve the scarcity at Quebec, Noyrot loaded a ship with a year's supply of provisions for the missionaries and their workmen; but, according to Le Clercq, these supplies were stopped at Honfleur by De Caen and La Ralde, from resentment at Noyrot's complaints about their conduct. In consequence of this disappointment, the workmen of the mission were taken back to France by Lalemant. Twice again did Noyrot seek to convey supplies to his brethren at Quebec: the first time (July, 1628), he was driven back by Admiral Kirk; the second (June, 1629), he perished by shipwreck near Canso (see note 20, ante).

33 (p. 181).—Regarding Cotton, (Coton) see vol. ii., note 68.

34 (p. 183).—For sketch of Massé, see vol. i., note 39.

35 (p. 191).—Le Clercq, apparently without good reason, mentions this letter as "falsely attributed to Lalemant."—See Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., p. 155, note.

36 (p. 191).—A younger brother of Charles Lalemant; a sketch of his life will be given in a later volume.

37 (P. 193).—Meslin (or maslin; derived from Latin miscere): mixed grain, especially a mixture of rye and wheat.

38 (p. 195).—Champlain wished to make Quebec an agricultural colony, but his efforts were thwarted by the narrow and selfish policy of the mercantile companies, who cared only to develop the fur trade. They gave the colonists no means for cultivating the soil, and, according to Champlain, "had not themselves cleared an arpent [page 267] and a half of land in the 22 years during which they were, according to his Majesty's intention, to have peopled and cultivated the colony of Quebec." Sagard says (Canada, p. 168) that the space cleared was not even one arpent. The merchants even oppressed Hébert (vol. ii., note 80),—"the only colonist who supported his family from the produce of his land, making many illegal claims upon him for his yearly harvests, and compelling him to sell only to the company, and that at a specified rate."—Champlain's Voyages (1632), part 2, pp. 144, 183, 184. Cf. Mercure François, vol. xiv. (1628), p. 234. The Récollet missionaries were cultivators, and, desirous of leading the savages from a nomadic to a sedentary life, even induced a few of the latter to imitate their example. The Jesuits also paid much attention to agriculture.—See Faillon's Col. Fr., vol. i., pp. 161-164; Rochemonteix's Jésuites, vol. i., pp. 154-157 ; and Sulte's Can.-Français, vol. ii., p. 18.

Champlain says (Laverdière's ed., pp. 1144, 1155) that the plow was first used in Canada, April 27, 1628; this was doubtless by Couillard, Hébert's son-in-law.

Arpent: a word of Celtic derivation, according to Columelle and Littré; it occurs as early as the eleventh century (e.g., Chanson de Roland). An old French land measure, containing 100 square perches, but varying in different provinces. The linear arpent of Paris was 180 French feet (variously computed at from 191.83 to 192.3 English feet), the common arpent 200, and the standard arpent 220. The first of these was the one used in New France, under the Coulume de Paris, and it still remains the legal measure in all the seigniories of Quebec. The Quebec Department of Crown Lands, which we adopt as preferable authority, translates the arpent into 191.85 English feet.

Bourdon's map of the settlements on the St. Lawrence, from Quebec to Cape Tourmente (1641; reproduced at end of Tanguay's Dict. Généal., vol. i.), indicates that each lot had seven arpents of river frontage, and a depth of a French league or more (84 arpents to the league). Giffard's concession at Beauport (the first of the seigniories) was 1½ leagues along the river, and the same in depth.—Sulte's Can.-Francais, vol. ii., pp. 47-48. Duralde's survey of the Illinois country (1770) assigned to each inhabitant a lot, measuring from one to four arpents wide, and forty arpents deep.—See H. W. Williams's chapter on "St. Louis Land Titles," in Scharf's History of St. Louis (Phila., 1883), vol. i., pp. 316-329. Williams, whom Scharf indorses as an authority, computes the arpent at 192 feet 6 inches, English measure.

The assignment of lands throughout New France in long, narrow strips, was obviously made to secure for each settler a frontage on [page ] the river, then the main highway; and to bring the inhabitants of each settlement into close neighborhood, for social and defensive purposes. The same reasons, of course, governed the allotment of lands in Roger Williams's colony at Providence (1640),—an interesting similarity to French Canadian custom. The " home-lots " at Providence had an (estimated) river frontage of 105 to 120 English feet, all running up to a common highway along the crest of the back-lying ridge; each lot contained from 4½ to 5½ acres. For description and plats, see Charles W. Hopkins's Home Lots of the Early Settlers of Providence Plantations (Providence, 1886).

39 (p. 201).—Cf. vol. iii., note 22.

40 (p. 201).—See vol. ii., note 21.

41 (p. 205).—Cf. vol. iii., note 19.

42 (p. 209).—For value of écu, see vol. i., note 34. The livre was a money of account, in value somewhat less than the modern franc; but in ordinary speech, both terms signified the same value; six livres = one crown. The livre of Tours was worth 20 sous; that of Paris, 25 sous. The pistole was a money of account, equal to ten livres tournois, and worth ten francs of the present currency.

43 (p. 211).—Anti-Coton: a sarcastic pamphlet, published in September, 1610; it attacked the Jesuits, and especially Father Coton, the confessor of Henry IV., of whose murder the Jesuits had been accused by their enemies. Daurignac says (Hist. Soc. Jesus, vol. i., p. 295) that this pamphlet was attributed to Pierre Dumoulin, a Protestant minister of Charenton. This and other like attacks on the Jesuits had been circulated in Canada, and had prejudiced against them even many Catholics.

44 (p. 233).—This mention of Lalemant being at Pentegoët in 1613, has been copied by some later writers; but it is apparently an oversight. Biard would certainly have included Lalemant in his account of the Acadian missions, if the latter had been there.

45 (p. 237).—Alexander Vieuxpont was born Dec. 25, 1599, at Auxeville, Normandy. He became a Jesuit novice Sept. 13, 1620, at Rouen, and for seven years pursued his studies there, at Rennes, and at La Flèche. Thence he was sent to Alengon, and two years later (June, 1629), he went with Noyrot to Canada. Cast ashore near Canso, in the shipwreck wherein the latter perished, Vieuxpont went to Grand Cibou, to join Father Vimont, then laboring among the savages of Cape Breton. In 1630, recalled to France by his superiors, he became a traveling preacher in the rural districts near Rouen; he did not return to Canada.

46 (p. 243).—After the destruction of Port Royal (1613), the English took no immediate steps to secure possession of Acadia. Eight years later, Sir William Alexander (afterwards secretary of state for [page 269] Scotland) obtained from James I. a grant of all the lands from the St. Croix River to the St. Lawrence, under the title of "Nova Scotia;" thus were ignored all French rights in that region. In 1625, this grant was renewed by Charles I., with considerable additions. Alexander, not having the necessary funds, was unable to establish any colonies there until 1627; when (having associated with himself Gervase Kirk and his sons, William Berkley, John Love, and others, under the title of "Merchant Adventurers of Canada"), he sent his son, as governor of Nova Scotia, with a few Scotch emigrants, to form a settlement at Port Royal. David Kirk, whose vessel had conveyed them, returned to England for reinforcements; and, in the following year, he seized Miscou, and all the French fishing vessels in the Gulf; threatened Quebec; and captured De Roquemont's squadron, sent by the Hundred Associates with supplies and artillery for Champlain's succor. In 1629, he captured Quebec. Early in that year, Sir James Stewart, who had purchased a tract of land from Alexander, brought a colony to Port Baleines, Cape Breton (near the present Louisburg); he also began to seize the French vessels fishing on that coast. This excited the anger of Captain Charles Daniel (one of the Hundred Associates, and a brother of the Jesuit Antoine Daniel), who had recently come from France; he seized and demolished Stewart's fort, and proceeded to erect another at Grand Cibou. (This name, meaning "the great river," was doubtless applied by the natives to the estuary now known as Great Bras d'Or; but Daniel's colony was planted at St. Anne's Bay,—thus named by him,—just north of the Bras d'Or). Charles Leigh, who made a voyage to Cape Breton in 1597, mentions " the harborow of Cibo;" see Goldsmid's Hakluyt, vol. xiii., p. 69. Here he left a garrison of forty men, with the two Jesuits Vimond and Vieuxpont, and took the English colonists back to their own country (except a few, whom he carried to France as prisoners). Champlain, arriving in Dieppe Dec. 31, 1629, met Daniel there, and obtained from him his "Relation" of the above enterprise, which is given in Champlain's Voyages (1632), part 2, pp. 271-275.

In the following year, Daniel returned to this fort, and settled certain disorders that had arisen during his absence. It is not definitely known how long the garrison was kept here; but, when De Caen took possession of Canada (1632), the Jesuits Davost and Antoine Daniel also came to Cape Breton (probably with Charles, the latter's brother), and carried on the mission begun by Vimont. Denys, a few years later, had an important settlement at St. Anne's.

47 (p. 243).—Vimont remained at Cape Breton but a year, and did not return to Canada until 1639. A sketch of his life will appear hereafter.[page 270]

48 (p. 247).—Gabriel Sagard Theodat, a lay brother, was one of the Récollet missionaries to Canada, where he arrived June 24, 1623, in company with Father Nicholas Viel. He states, in his Canada, p. 11, that he desired to go on this mission in 16l5, at which time he was in a Récollet convent in Paris; but his superiors would not then consent. Sagard's missionary labors were among the Hurons, with whom he remained nearly one year; returning then to France, he wrote and published two books,—Grand voyage du pays des Hurons (Paris, 1632), and Histoire du Canada (Paris, 1636). In these works he minutely describes the customs, social condition, religion, etc., of the Indian tribes; and gives a history of the missionary labors of the Récollets, up to their expulsion in 1629. To the Grand Voyage he appends a dictionary of the Huron language. He died in 1650.

There is some confusion among historians in regard to the dates of Sagard's sojourn in New France, which apparently arises from his own inaccuracy of statement, or possibly from a typographical error. In his Histoire (Tross ed., 1866), p. 115, he says that he left France in 1623; but, in the Grand Voyage (Tross ed., 1865), p. 5, he gives the year as "vingt-quatre;" while, in the former work, p. 759, he gives in full the letter of his provincial recalling him to France, dated March 9, 1625. Champlain, however, says that Sagard arrived at Quebec in June, 1623, and returned from the Huron country in July, 1624.

Sagard's works are rare, and command high prices. Brunet says (in Michaud's Biog. Univ.) that five and even eight guineas were paid for a copy at public sales in London; and that, in France, one was valued in 1851 at 210 francs. Chevalier says, in his edition of the Histoire (Paris, 1866), p. iii., note, that 1,200 francs had in vain been offered for a copy of that work. Gagnon (Bibliog. Canad.) states that a copy brought $38 at the Fraser sale in Quebec, 1860; and that one had been offered by a Paris bookseller, in 1890, for 1,200 francs.

49 (p. 247).—Father Felix Martin was born Oct. 4, 1804, at Auray, in Bretagne, France; in September, 1823, he became a novice in the Jesuit order, entering the convent of Montrouge, at Paris. During nearly twenty years, he was employed in various colleges and missions throughout Western Europe; and, early in 1842, was sent to Canada. There he labored, especially in Montreal, until August, 1851, when he became the first rector of St. Mary's College in that city; he was its founder, and the designer of its building. In this position he remained until 1857, when he became superior of the residence at Quebec. Four years later, he returned to France, where he was, successively, rector of St. Francis Xavier's college at [page 271] Vannes, and superior at Poitiers and Rouen. He died at Paris, Nov. 25, 1892.

Father Martin published (Montreal, 1852) a French translation of Bressani's Breve Relatione (1653), accompanied by explanatory notes and a biographical sketch of Bressani. Later, he wrote the lives of Jogues, Brébeuf, and other early missionaries; and, in 1886, a biography of his sister, Mother St. Stanislas. a French nun. He was also noted as an antiquarian and collector, especially in regard to the Jesuit Relations and the history of Canada. Carayon's Première Mission des Jésuites au Canada (Paris, 1864), described in Bibliographical Data for Doc. xiii., in vol. iii.. p. 285, a valuable collection of documents, all of which are embodied in our series, consists of manuscripts collected by Father Martin, chiefly in 1858, while on a visit to Europe.

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